Peng Guoxiang: The Political Orientation, Predicament and Analysis of Yangming Studies


2022-08-04: [Chinese Article Link]  Wang Yang Ming Yang Ming. From a political point of view, this paper takes into account the light of the medium and the evening as a whole, an in-depth analysis of the meaning and relationship between the two different political orientations of “gossip Girl” and “gossip Girl” and, in turn, an analysis and evaluation of the concept of “popular political subject” and the traditional political ideals of Confucianism inherent in Yangtze. First of all, how can we understand the path of “sweeperwalk” opened by the Yangtze scholars in addition to the “go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go”? Secondly, how do we understand the relationship between “sweeper-walk” and “go-go-go-go-go” as two different political orientations in Yangming? Thirdly, how do we understand the notion of “popular political subjects” implicit in Yangtze and the difficulties they face? The key words are Yang Ming, political orientation, the way of a man, the way of a man, the way of a man, the way of a monarchy and democracy. Introduction At the outset, I would like to thank the Yang Ming Research Centre and Professor Tanaka for their invitation to come to the prestigious University of Yumong, which has a long tradition and a reputation for research and research in China, and to engage in academic exchanges with friends. Even though it is not all of my research, Yang Ming has been one of the priorities of my research work. So I am honoured and pleased to accept the invitation of the Yang Ming Research Centre and Professor Tanaka of the University of Santsu to share my thoughts on Yang Ming as a keynote speaker. If I understand it well, the invite would suggest that I discuss the current status of the Wanglong Creek study. But I would like to make a slight change, not just in the case of Wang Long Creek (1498-1583), but in order to share my views on Yangtze as a whole in the middle of the night. Of course, it is not my intention to speak in general terms, but rather to choose the particular perspective of “political orientation” and to present some of my observations and judgments on the yang schools of mid-to-late night. While my discussion is not limited to Wanglong Creek but involves many people who have studied it all in the middle of the night and in the middle of the night, Wang Long Creek remains a very critical figure from a “politically oriented” view of the middle and the middle of the night. In my view, his case can highlight, in particular, the complexity of the political ideals and practices faced by Yang Ming and, indeed, by the Confucian tradition as a whole. Of course, I would like to take advantage of this meeting to discuss middle-to-morrow Yang Ming from a political point of view. I would also like to say that Yang Ming’s introduction into Japan has led to full and rich development. So the concept of “yang Ming” should be viewed from the perspective of East Asia as a whole, not just from China. For example, what I discovered at Beijing University in the 1990s, in the four-year history of Chao-chung,[2] was first introduced into Japan and cited by modern Japanese scholars in their research, which shows that Japan has not only a tradition of positive science but also a tradition of studying positive science. In fact, besides Japan, there is a tradition of Yang Ming in Korea. While Korea’s Yang Ming is under constant pressure from Zhu, it is not like Japan to go along with Zhu, but there are further developments in the near future. For example, I myself was invited to attend a conference on Yangming in Korea, where I published a paper comparing Wang Long Creek with the Korean Yangming scholar Jung Ha.[3] However, my knowledge of Yang Ming in Japan is limited, and what I refer to in this paper is still limited to Yang Ming in China in the middle of the night. With regard to Japan's Yang Ming tradition, I hope to have the opportunity to consult with Japan's friends specializing in Japanese Yang Ming, which I would like to state first. With regard to the political orientation of Yangtze in the middle of the night, and its dilemma and evaluation, my discussion included the following questions. First, how to understand the path of “sweeper walking” opened by Yangtze scholars in addition to the “go-go-go-go-go” approach? Secondly, how do we understand the relationship between the two different political orientations of “sweeper-walking” and “go-go-go-go-go” in Yangming and, thirdly, how do we understand the concept of political subjects and the difficulties inherent in Yangtze? I. How do you understand the term “sweeper-walk”? In Mr. Yu's discussion of the change of tone between late tomorrow and tomorrow's business interaction and clear-minded thinking, Mr. Yu offered an enlightening view of Confucianism in the middle of the night and in the middle of the night, which was represented by Yangtze. In his view, compared to the political orientation of Dr. Song Daejong, the Confucianism represented by the Young-min scholars in the middle of the night, its political orientation has changed from a previous “go-go-go” to a “go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go” approach in tomorrow. [4] In other words, Mr. Yu believes that, under the high political pressure of tomorrow's generation, his political claims have shifted from “the temple” to “the folk”, beginning with Wang Yang Ming and representing the Confucianism. This statement was subsequently repeated in the book " Song's philosophy and political culture ".[5] Mr. Yu’s argument is well-founded in history, and I think it is certainly a correct observation. But, if the term “gossip Girl” is a desire to gain the full trust of the monarch, as has been done in history with the authorization or support of the monarch, to promote the Confucian political ideals, then how should it be understood that the Yangtze scholar has opened up an alternative to the “gosssip Girl” as a political orientation? Analysis suggests that if the sense is enlightenment, it means giving the “people” a sense of consciousness. So what kind of consciousness is that? Is it to give the “people” a sense of self-consciousness to a political subject, or is it merely an idea in the ethical and moral sense? Moreover, while the subject of the “sweeper people” in the “Sweeperwalk” is a Dr. Confucian, represented by the Yangtze Scholar, who is the subject of the “scholars.” What is the subject of the “scholars” who make the “people” “spiritlessly” and “sweetly”? Or does it include “people” and even “people” as the main subjects? Moreover, is the “path” to be promoted by the “sweet street” the same as the “pass” in the “manifest way”? These questions fall within the scope of how to understand the word “landwalk.” Here, let us look at them one at a time. I am afraid that there is no greater manifestation of the “sensitization” than a variety of social discourses or “speaks” events. Some of the “speaks” events are part of a theoretical discussion among the “speakers,” as reflected in the “winter travels” of the Yom Kippur (1504-1564). But much more is about education for the general public. And from the content of the various lectures, the sense of self that the young scholars want the general public to gain remains primarily an ethical and moral consciousness. In other words, the main element of the “sweet people” of the Yangtze scholars is not to create a sense of consciousness among the population at large of a political subject, but rather, like the traditional Dr. Confucian, to achieve full self-awareness in the ethical and moral sense in order to create a culture of “no evil for good” at the social level. However, since Confucian traditions do not make a clear conscious distinction between the ethical and political spheres, it is almost inevitable that the process of this “sensitization” — both by the general public and by the Confucian intellectuals represented by positive scholars, especially the latter — will also lead to the awakening of a sense of political subjectivity. Also known as Yang Ming's post-school pedagogy (1536-1608), when he criticized the popularization of Confucianism resulting from the passing of the ideas of Wang Xinsai (1483-1541) as a threat to the “King Tao”, so-called “Supreme Wang is a man of his own free will and has no choice but to serve as a mentor, and to open up the hearts of the humble kings? While this is a reflection of the idealistic self-proclaiming of the word “gossip Girl”, it is an implicit indication that the practice of other yang scholars of “seeing the way of the people” may create a sense of self-consciousness among the political actors of the general public. While the subject of “gossip Girl” in “gossip Girl” is, of course, a Confucian intellectual, the subject of “gossip Girl” still seems to be a Confucian intellectual, it is clear that “gossip Girl” is also an indispensable, even vital, member of the subject of “gossip Girl”. When we take the subject of the “walk” for granted to be a Confucian intellectual, it is in the perspective of a Confucian intellectual. The so-called “one-size-fits-all” is a reflection of the self-consciousness of a Confucian intellectual. But, from a “quiet” perspective, it is clear that different monarchs will have different understandings. Only, as most of Song’s monarchs do, will a Confucian doctor’s main sense of “co-rule” with the monarch be realized and, to some extent, realized. This is well discussed in Mr. Yu’s book “The History of Chu Ying’s World.”[8] But, for sovereigns such as Ming Tzu and later Kiyo-chung, the subjects of the “walk” can only be the monarchs themselves, and when Dr. Confucianes produces his own self-consciousness, they can only be a threat to and encroachment on the power of the monarchs. And, of course, like the King, the subjects of the Sage are also Confucian intellectuals, which is easier to understand. But what is to be understood by the subjects of “walks”? Clearly, the subjects of “walks” in “walks of mind” do not seem to have anything to do with “quies”, but only with the Confucian intellectuals, represented by the Yangtze scholars, and the public at large, i.e. “students” and “peoples”. In other words, who is the subject of the “walk” in the “sweet street”? There is a need to distinguish and consider between “students” and “people.” In my view, the subjects of the “walks” in the “landwalks” should include, first and foremost, Confucian intellectuals. Indeed, in a sense, the “peoples of the mind” themselves can be seen as a process of “roads,” because the “indoctrination” of the people has always been a conscious duty of Confucian intellectuals. This, starting with Confucius’s words, “I am a man and who is a man,” has set the tone in the Confucian tradition. Thus, the process of “sweet people” and “walks” as two sides of the same coin, the subject of which is, naturally, a Confucian intellectual. Now, however, we have to think about the question of “people.” The subject of “walks” is less than a Confucian intellectual, but can “people” become the subject of “walks” once they are “thinked” by Confucian intellectuals? It seems to me that “people” besides the Confucian intellectuals is also enough to be the subject of a “walk,” and, at least from the standpoint of the Yangtze, it is certain. The notions of “sungness in the hearts of men” and “the streets are all saints,” which are particularly highlighted, determine that “people” must be the subject of a “walk.” In this respect, the Confucian intellectuals and the public in society are merely the relationship between the prophet's prescient and the post-history, and the Confucian intellectuals and the public in society are no different from the point of view of conscience and heart. As a result, once they have been made aware, the general public can also take on the mission of “walking”. In fact, the popularization of Confucianism initiated by the Thai school of Queen Xiaoqiao, among others, as well as the emergence of such popularizations as Yanshan Noon (1504-1596), Ho Hin (1517-1579), Han Shing (1509-1585), Zhuan (1501-1583) and a large number of unrecorded social masses as the subjects of dysentery. The above-mentioned criticism of the Confucian popularization of Wang Xin Xai clearly shows that, in the opinion of those like them, the popularization of Yang Ming is the consequence of the widespread self-consciousness of the population, which is the awakening of the ideology of the political subject. This will undoubtedly challenge the authority of the monarch under the monarchy, and this is what the so-called “the heart of the apocalypse” means. Of course, it would have been unproblematic if, in the view of Yoo Soon, the Confucian tradition had always been “everyone can be” since the beginning of the Qin tradition, “people” could be the subject of a “walk”. However, the popularization of Confucianism, fearing that it would “open the hearts of the humbles” and expressing his position as “dignant.” This also suggests that the orientation of “gossip Girl” has not disappeared with the rise of “gossip Girl” in the middle of the night and in the middle of the night. So how do we look at the relationship between the two routes of “go-go-go-go-go” and “go-go-go-go” in Yangming? That's what we're going to look at in the next section. Before proceeding to the next section, however, there is a question that needs to be clarified as to how to understand the meaning of the word “landway” in the word “landway” and the word “landway” in the word “landway” in the word “landway”. It seems to me that, in general, in our language today, the word “gossip Girl” should focus more on Confucian political ideals, and the word “gossip Girl” should be more relevant to the norms of Confucian ethics. This is, of course, only an analysis from today’s perspective. If we take full account of the historical fact that the distinction between the political sphere and the ethical sphere is not always clear in Confucian traditions, including yang’s, then we must also be fully aware that the “do” in the “gossip Girl” is not only a political one, but also contains an ethical element. By the same token, the word “path” in the “sweeperwalk” is not merely a matter of ethics, but also of Confucian political ideals. For example, the blueprint described in the book “Together” of the Rhysics and Gentlemans makes it difficult to judge one or the other in the context of a political and ethical dichotomy. Thus, in this sense, we can also say that the two different routes of “go to the side” and “go to the side” can be seen as instructions for the Confucian political ideal, which is also a social blueprint with ethical and moral connotations. To sum up, the difference between a “sweeperwalk” and a “manager-go-go-go-go-go-go-go” is that the subject of a Confucian intellectual's political claim is transformed from a “quiet” to a “people” and that, accordingly, the subject of a pedagogue is no longer a Confucian intellectual and a monarchy, but an invisible one that transforms into a Confucian intellectual and a broad public. II. HOW TO UNDERSTAND THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE “SHOW TOGETHER” AND THE “TOGETHER” As long ago as in the paper “The Middle Testimony of Wanglong Creek and the historical significance of its ideas”,[9] I have already pointed out that we should be well informed about Mr. Yu Ying's assertion that he has gone from “go to the way” to “go to the way of the people”. In my view, a shift in emphasis from “go to the side” to “go to the side” should be understood as a shift, rather than a trade-off between the two. At the time, however, the article was not devoted to the political orientation of Yangtze, so my arguments were not fully developed. In the paper entitled “The Mid-Secretary of Wanglong Creek and the historical significance of its ideas”, and in a subsequent paper devoted to the study of the Middle-Secret, I pointed out that Wang Long-Secret had compiled the Chinese-Secret Document on the occasion of his accession to the throne, which not only brought together the biographical data of many eunuchs from China's history to his time, but was judged on a differentiated basis and was intended to influence the Emperor through eunuchs, which was a clear manifestation of the notion and practice of “Access to the Way”. An important intellectual significance of the event is to show us that, even for a Confucian intellectual like Wanglong Creek, who has devoted almost his entire life to socialism, this political orientation of “gossip Girl Road” has not disappeared, either as a concept or practice; it will be demonstrated as soon as the time is available. I also pointed out that, in the middle of the night and in the middle of the night, Confucian intellectuals with the political orientation of “get to the way of the world” are not in the few, and they are even the best. For example, Rowey Creek, like Wanglong Creek, is also a representative of tomorrow’s social discourse. And, compared to Wang Long Creek, if it is still aimed at Confucian intellectuals or at least living people, Rowey Creek (1515-1588) is taught to more people in society. However, it is a man like Rhodes who preaches, in his teachings, the Holy Word of the Father, and even the Holy Oracle of the Father. In his current writing, we can see that, whether it be to the general public, or to the private education of his children and grandchildren, or even his last words, for Rhodes Creek, Mt. It would seem that if one were to follow the Holy Word, one could be a better man than a Confucian. [11] In such words, we cannot fail to feel that, in the view of Rockey Creek, the Confucian political ideals seem to have been almost fulfilled by a monarch like Ming Tai-Jo. Another example is Zhou Haimen (1547-1629), who, in his book "Innocence in the Order of Purple", is clear enough to reveal how important, in his view, is to the Confucian intellectuals. Given his experience similar to that of Wang Yang Ming, Zhou Haimen was very encouraged when he was summoned by the Emperor and faced with the opportunity to take up his responsibilities in Beijing. At the same time, there has been no similar opportunity for Wang Yang-ming, and Zhou Haimen has shown a great deal of regret. In his view, it is a matter of regret that Wang Yang-ming has not been appointed by the Emperor, and that he has taken up a position in the central government, such as that of a “save” minister. It is clear that the political orientation of “gossip Girl” remains unbreakable in the view of Zhou Haimen. Whether it is possible to “gossip Girl” remains, in his view, a vital condition and guarantee for the ability of Confucian intellectuals to “gossipule.” Indeed, first-class Yangtze scholars, such as Wanglong Creek, Roway Creek and Zhou Haimen, have still not given up on the ideal of a “go-go-go-go” and their political orientation still places the “go-go-go-go” in a very important position, which is perfectly understandable. I'll analyze it in the back. Since such people as Wanglong Creek, Roway Creek and Zhou Haimen have not abandoned the concept of “gossip Girl Road”, it is not difficult to understand the tendency of Confucian civilization advocated by people like Wang Xinqiao, especially the notion that everyone implied in it can become a political subject, and that those who preach “gossip Girl” such as those who preach “gossip Girl” are immediately sensitive to the challenge of power, considering that such self-consciousness is sufficient to “open the hearts of the humble kings”. In fact, conflicts such as those between Orthodox Doctors (1524-1597) and Li Xuan (1527-1602), and between Orthodox Doctors and what's hidden are often understood in terms of social ethics and personal moral rehabilitation. In addition, however, differences in political orientation, particularly with regard to the understanding of who should bear the responsibility of the political subject, may also be an important factor. It is clear that, for an orthodox doctor such as gentrification, and a Confucian intellectual such as a mantra, it does not seem appropriate for the public to have the status of a political subject, which should be the union of the monarch and the Confucian intellectuals, rather than the confluence of the Confucian intellectuals and the general public. Thus, from a political point of view, a very interesting phenomenon emerges in the middle and morning of Yang Ming. On the one hand, starting with Wang Yang Ming, the Yangtze scholars have set up a path beyond the “go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go” approach. For Wang Yangming personally, this may be due to his political career, but I believe that, even if this were to happen, this orientation became a conscious feeling of Wang Yang Ming. In other words, even if the experience of never being able to “get around the world” leads to the ultimate despair of the Yangtze, which is forced to take a different path of “sweeper walking”, the “sweet walking” is gradually becoming a high degree of self-conscious and is no longer a choice that has to be pursued in such a way and back. Only then will it be understandable that, after the dawn of the sun, large-scale social talks are taking place and developing. It is a high degree of self-consciousness that Wang Xin-sai has not only repeatedly refused to do so, but also denied access to his children’s future generations. But, on the other hand, as I have pointed out before and once again, while the route of “Sweeperwalk” has become an important medium-to-night and bright learning alternative, it has not yet been completely abandoned, at least for such young scholars as Wanglong Creek, Lo Nye Creek and Zhou Haimen. And the interesting and interesting question to think about is: not to say that some of the yang scholars believe in the luminous way, but that some of the other yang scholars must not forget the vernacular way, but that these two different political orientations are combined with those of the yang scholars. I believe that there may not be an extreme single case between these two directions, or between them. But, in both cases, there must be an absolute majority in the group of positive scholars. Wang Long Creek does not have as much experience as Wang Yang-ming, and he has far less rank than Wang Yang-ming, and less merit than Wang Yang-ming. But, by the same token, he has experienced a setback in his career, even more serious than Wang Yang-ming. Wang Long Creek was dismissed, why was he dismissed? It's still unclear, and I've always wanted to do a special study. The problem, however, is clear: it was after the dismissal that Wang Long Creek put almost the entire body and body into the social discourse of the north and south of the river, the so-called “80s are not wasted”. In this way, Wanglong Creek should have given up completely on the idea of “get the way of the world.” However, what happened around the Mid-Secret is a clear indication that the way of “get the way of the world” has never been abandoned. Of course, for Wang Long Creek, “get the way” does not mean that the Confucian intellectuals themselves have been entrusted with the task of receiving the favors of the monarch, thus promoting the vision of the Confucian ideal as the King Anse of the North has done; rather, by influencing the ideas and practices of the monarch, by shaping a man who truly believes in the idea of the Confucian, the ideals of the Confucian are finally realized through this wise monarch. If the “gossip Girl” of Song Deok's intellectuals is still the “gossip Girl” as a political subject, the “gossip Girl” of Wanglong Creek is in fact no longer a Confucian intellectual and a monarchy, but a monarch is left alone. But why has Wang Long Creek been unwilling or unable to give up the political orientation of “gossip Girl Road”, even though it has suffered a great deal in the experience of politics, and even if it has been written in the history books with almost a lifetime of social lectures? As I have already pointed out, under a monarchy mechanism, the monarch is the ultimate source of all power. Without the guarantee of sovereignty, any “way” can be difficult to implement. Here, I would like to further point out that the case of Wanglong Creek and the dilemma of the Yangtze scholars, such as Rocky Creek, Zhou Haimen and others, reflected in two different political orientations: “Students” and “Governance” reveal, at a deeper level, such an inescapable question that must be carefully considered, namely, whether the role of a political subject can be assumed and played by a combination of Confucian intellectuals and the general public, both within the overall structure of the monarchy and under the absolute domination of the monarchy. It can be said that the entanglement shown by the young scholars on the issue of political orientation in the middle of the night is revealing who should take responsibility for such an issue and the dilemma it faces in the middle of the night and tomorrow. The concept of “popular political subject” and its dilemmas The key to the path of “sweeper walk” opened by Yang Ming is the intangible transformation of the composition of political subjects from a combination of Confucian intellectuals and monarchs to a combination of Confucian intellectuals and the general public. The consequences of such a conversion are not merely the end of the logic of “the heart of the apocalypse”, as the mantra calls it, and it is not possible to fail to point to the question of the legality of the monarchy and the monarchy. Why, then, is the Yangtze approach to “sweet folk walk” leading to such a change in the composition of political subjects? This is related to the notion that Yangtze is at the heart of the concept. As you know, Wang Yang-ming has said: “Ask for what you want, and not what you say, even if it comes from Confucius, you can’t believe it.” The “heart” that is sought here is the “heart” of the spiritual tradition, which is the “conscience” at the heart’s core. Clearly, the meaning of this phrase is that, in the opinion of Wang Yang Ming, even the words of the Confucian Saint Confucius, who is a sophomore, cannot be considered to be the correct criterion if he cannot withstand the test of his heart. At the same time, it also shows that for Wang Yang-ming, the ultimate criterion of everything that is not judgmental is the individual nature and conscience of everyone, and not any external authority. Since Confucius's words cannot be used as the final word for bad or bad, what about the monarch's “gold tongue”? Clearly, according to Wang Yang Ming, the monarch cannot be the norm for judging bad or bad. Moreover, we should not confine ourselves to the realm of ethics alone, but should also include aspects of political society. If one looks at it from a political society’s perspective, the idea of being positive will undoubtedly lead to a challenge to external political authority. This view, of course, is not the original idea of Wang Yangming, but rather the traditional principle of the Confucian family as a whole, the so-called “no-go-go” principle, which Wang Yang Ming said merely highlights more clearly the general principle of this Confucian tradition. While China's history has been marked by a history of “clerical “Association” (200 B.C. to 121), there are also many Confucian intellectuals who are “deutsche” in China. One example of this is the sacrifice of life by Ming-tae's Lee Yo-lu (?-1381) in defence of the Confucian principle and commitment represented by Meng-zie, which is “no-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go”. The high degree of self-consciousness shown to us by Mr. Yu Ying, in his Historical World, by Dr. Song and the monarch, “to rule the world together”, is a reflection of the ideology of the political subjects of the Confucian intellectuals. On the other hand, Yang Ming realized that he had opened up a further path of “sweeting the streets”, further expanding the scope of political subjects from the Confucian intellectuals to the general public as a whole. This change, as I pointed out earlier, the composition of political subjects has been transformed from a combination of Confucian intellectuals and monarchs into a combination of Confucian intellectuals and the general public. In other words, from the point of view of Yangtze, political subjects can and should function as political subjects, not only as sovereigns, but not even as Confucian intellectuals. This, in my view, is one of the most prominent features observed from the political point of view of Yangtze, which, in this sense, can be called “popular political subjects”. This notion of “popular political subject” is well illustrated in the case of Wang Xin Xiao, who, in his writings, had a dream of “the fall of heaven, the march of thousands of people for help,” and himself “to raise his arms” not only to raise the fallen day, but also to restore order to the sun and the moon. The interpretation of this story tends to be viewed by past thinkers as a reflection of “exultation” or even “narcissism”, as stated by the Minister for Foreign Affairs: “It is a religious myth, and it is entirely self-contained as a godfearing”. However, this dream is so solemnly recorded in the Ether book that it cannot be understood from this perspective alone. This, in my view, can be seen as a stark reflection of the consciousness of the protagonists of Ether. Moreover, such subjects are not just subjects in the sense of ethical and moral teaching, but also in the political and social sense. If the King’s conscience and the popularization of the Yangtze that it promotes are not only political subjects in the ordinary sense, but also, and more, in the popular political sphere, it is not difficult to understand, but rather to observe precisely, the so-called “minority of the Apocalypse.” But, in my view, there are two things to be said about this “popular political subject” of Yangtze. First, it is often not clearly distinguished from the dominant one in the ethical and moral sense. Not only is the general public often unable to distinguish between subjects in the political and social sense and those in the ethical and moral sense, but even Confucian intellectuals, represented by positive scholars, do not see such a conscious sense of distinction. As a result, the teaching of ethics and the practice of political and social societies are often intertwined. Second, even if the idea and practice of the yang’s “sensitization” necessarily lead to the awakening of a “popular political subject,” at the practical level, the sense of being a “political subject” may not have reached a very conscious level in society as a whole, given that such a subject is often mixed with a subject in the ethical and moral sense. For the Confucian intellectuals, even if the consciousness of such political subjects can be quite self-conscious, it is difficult to understand their identity as “political subjects” and their role as “political subjects” in the context of the reality of a highly centralized monarchy. Lu Quin (1536-1618)’s statements about “justice” and “power” are often cited by thinkers. Indeed, Lu Quin’s presentation is an excellent example of analysis and understanding of the dilemmas and dilemmas faced by tomorrow’s Confucian intellectuals as political subjects under a highly centralized monarchy. If you read it carefully, we will find that, while Lu Quin believes that “justice” is more noble than “power”, the so-called “justice and respect” and that “the word of reason above the temple can never be taken over by the gods; that is, each other, and that reason is always extended throughout the world”. But before he said that, he first affirmed it, but it was still “the best of reason and power in the heavens and the earth.” That was precisely because monarchy and monarchy represented a “power” that was ultimately a realistic political structure that could not be avoided. Moreover, the “right” has been taken by the “power”, not only by the reality that has been repeated in China's history, but also by the totalitarian monarchy, which is unprecedented in the evening and tomorrow. Thus, for Lu Quan, “the heavens must not be held hostage to one another” is a fiction, and “the other” is the real point that is constantly emerging in history. For China's traditional politics, Mr. Fortune (1909-1995) proposed an observational framework for “Grants, Brothers, Citizens”,[14] which I think is very accurate and enlightening. If the question of political subjects is to be seen in the context of the relationship between the two, we can see, as stated earlier, that under the political orientation of the “gossip Girl” they are to be shared between the “gossip Girl” and the “gossip Girl”; under the political orientation of the “gossip Girl” they are to be transformed into the “gos Man” and the “people”. However, the evolution of Chinese politics has taught us that it is a process of increasing monarchy by the way of Tang Song's exercise of power. In a situation where the “co-rule” of “councils” and “juveniles” have increasingly been transformed into “diplomatics” of “juveniles”, “councils” and “peoples” have been excluded as political subjects, or one of the factors that has allowed “juveniles” to become political subjects along with “councils” and “peoples” have not yet been implemented in real-world politics, and this awareness itself constitutes a direct conflict with “judgmental powers”. Even Confucian intellectuals who promote “Kingdos” will think that this ideology of political subject matter will be “invincible” and that the monarch himself will be aware of what he thinks. In fact, Wanglong Creek, Lo Jin Creek and others, who, on the one hand, have been able to follow the path of “sweeper walk” and, on the other hand, have been unable to give up their efforts to “get the way” and even to use Taijun's six messages as a model for their preaching, reflect a dilemma and dilemma: under a real political structure in which the rule of power is absolute, and in order to give as much effect as possible to the political and social ideals of the Confucian family, these bright scholars have had to repeat themselves between the “gods” and the “people”. This is a phenomenon in which Confucian intellectuals have no real peace as political subjects. Since Confucian intellectuals as political subjects are hard to establish, “popular political subjects” cannot really be realized from the ideas and practices of “sweet folk” and can only be “hidden and unsettled” as a “logic element” of positive science, perhaps even more so as a matter of history. Why can't Confucian political subjects be established and how can they be achieved? Then, whether the Confucian intellectuals, as foreseen by the way of Acquis, rule with the monarch over the political subjects of the world, or the “popular political subjects” that Yangming might have developed as a result of the way of the way of Acquaintance, why in the history of China could not really be established and realized? The crux of this, in my view, lies in the monarchy, which is the political system. Indeed, as Mr. Yu Ying-Ying pointed out in Song’s Science and Political Culture, one of the most important reasons for this is that it is increasingly difficult to achieve the path of “gossip Girl.” With the abolition of the majestic regime and the strengthening of the monarchy in the future, the “go-go-go-go” has become completely unattainable for Confucian intellectuals. However, as my analysis above shows, under the absolute yoke of autocratic power, the practice of “sweepers” can, at best, be carried out only in the area of ethics and ethics. Since the “popular political subjects” inherent in this route pose a direct threat to the power of the monarchy, it is much more difficult to develop under an authoritarian monarchy than under a “go-go-go-go” as a political orientation. In historical practice, the role of Confucian intellectuals as political subjects under the totalitarian monarchy has been difficult and subject to constant persecution, as in the case of the Mingmong Donglins. As for the awareness of the political subjects of society at large and a little action in society, it is all the more likely that the monarch will have to be eliminated as a factor of political instability. It can be said that the key to the failure of both the “manifest way” and the “manifest way” ultimately lies in the fact that the monarchy does not allow Confucian intellectuals to rule with them “under the rule of the world”, but only as an instrument of “rule of the world”, and even less in the fact that the general public is not allowed to try to “take charge” of themselves as political subjects, or at least no longer to be blind and submissive and slave. Whether it is a “manoeuvre” or a “manoeuvre” approach, it is a common goal to achieve the Confucian’s political and social ideals. However, the monarchy is not only the source of the inability to create and fulfil the Confucian political entities, but also the fundamental opposition between the Confucian’s political and social ideals and the “domestic” and “public” ideals. There is a secular view that the political and social ideals of Confucianism provide ideological support for the monarchy in China's history, on the contrary. Liu Bong, the first emperor in China’s history, has spoken to his father after taking power by force, revealing his “beneficent” mentality. And if the essence of the monarchy is “beneficent,” then the Confucian political ideal is “beautiful,” as reflected in the book “Branch of the House.” This political and social ideal of “the public world” is, in the name of Monko, “the people are worthy, the society is second, and the king is light.” Chu has ordered the removal of Monko's companions at the temple and ordered Liu to write “Monzi's Days” (1315-1400), deliberately deleting the phrase “the family” and “the public” as the prominent expression of the conflict. In China's history, after the establishment of the monarchy, the real Confucian intellectuals of all generations have sought to limit the powers of the monarch, whether through a complaint of disaster, such as Dong Jong Shu (179 B.C.-104 B.C.) or through a moral exhortation of good faith, such as a large number of intellectuals. The marginalization of successive generations in real politics, almost without exception, and even the capping of “perjury”, demonstrate the reality that the concept of “the common world” has been broken repeatedly by the “the home” monarchy. As for the political frustration of Confucius's life, it can be seen as a microcosm of what is actually happening to Confucian political and social ideals. Professor W.T. de Barry, who passed away a short while ago, pointed out in The Trouble with Confucianism that: “These Confucians often have to face the powerful rulers alone and deal with the complexity, rigidity, or factional strife of the imperial bureaucracy. The more they have a conscience, the easier they become martyrs or, more often, political thinkers.”[15] In any event, as long as the monarchy of “the home” is not eliminated, and the political and social ideals of the Confucian “the public” are never realized, it is natural that Confucian intellectuals and the general public cannot be established. So the next question is, how can Confucian political subjects be built and how can Confucian political ideals be realized? In my view, it is only within the framework of a democratic political framework that Confucian political subjects can truly be established and that the political and social ideals of “the common world” can be realized. As noted earlier, historical Chinese Confucian intellectuals have been trying to restrict the monarchy, but they have not been able to challenge the monarchy itself. But this has changed in the late hours of the day. We know that China was the first Confucian intellectual to come into contact with the Western representative system in recent times, such as Wang Jiu (1828-1898), Xue Fuxeng (1838-1894) and Zheng Xing (1842-1922), and that it appreciated it, believing that such a system would contribute to the realization of the political and social ideals of the Confucian society. Mr. Qianmu (1895-1990), known as a conservative, praised the political system of the United States in a letter addressed to Mr. Yu Yingh after his visit to the United States. All examples of this kind show that democratic politics is an intrinsic requirement of the ideals of a Confucian political society, and that it is reasonable for Confucian intellectuals to accept democratic politics. Democratic politics, of course, does not guarantee that the kind of “popular political subject” inherent in positive science can be established immediately, or that the political and social ideals of the Confucian “in the public domain” can be realized immediately. But the key point here is that, while democratic politics does not allow for the immediate resolution of the problems of a country like China, which has a tradition of millennia of monarchy, even in the early days of democratic politics, there will be even greater chaos, and problems in all their aspects will worsen rather than improve. However, it is certain that without a genuine democracy, many problems will never be resolved for a country with a long tradition of totalitarian monarchy and for a people with a deep-rooted sense of “people” rather than “citizenship”, and that the creation and realization of “popular political subjects” and “in the public domain” will remain elusive. I would like to conclude by saying that democracy encompasses both form and content and that, as a concrete formal structure, democracy can and should develop different models in the context of the historical traditions of peoples and nations. But as an idea and a spirit, democratic politics, in turn, is necessarily based on the ownership of the people themselves and on the division and checks and balances of power, which need not be the exclusive domain of the West. For the specific models of democratic politics in the world, this element is “one mind, one mind, one mind,” and “one mind, one mind.” I believe that, under a democratic political framework, it will be easier to realize political and social ideals that are “people-centred” and “people-centred” and “public.” Notes: [1] See Peng Kuo-Sun, “The development of conscience — Wanglong Creek and Yang Ming in the middle of the night”, Taiwan Student Bureau, hard copy, 2003; Beijing Triad Bookshop, CREDIT, 2005; Beijing Triple Bookshop, CREDENTIAL, 2015. [2] For a study on this encyclopedia, see my next edition, The Long Creek Convergence, and the Wang Long Creek collection, a short review of the Wang Long Creek collection, pp. 585-637, and the updated version of Conscience Development, pp. 585-637. [3] Peng Kuo-Sun: “The body and the man: Jung Xia Valley in conjunction with Wanglong Creek”, National Studies (Beijing), vol. 21, No. 1, 2008, pp. 101-126. Also in Peng's case: "Interpretation and reflection of Confucian tradition - learning modern Confucianism from Precinct, Song Mingjie." Wuhan University Press, 2012. [4] See Mr. Yu's two papers: “The review and vision of modern Confucianism — Modern Developments in Confucianism from Clear Thoughts” and “Student Interaction and Confucianism — A Clarification of Social History and Expressions of Thought”. [5] Yu Yingh: " Song's Science and Political Culture ", Morning Publishing Company, Taiwan, 2004. [6] For the exercise of merit in tomorrow's society, see Cynthia Brokaw, The Leggers of Merit and Demerit: Social Change and Moral Order in Late Imperial China, Princeton University Press, 1991. [7] Psychiatry: " Teacher's inquisitions ", vol. 23, p. 23. Reproduced from the Acadence of the Waste: " Study of religious ideas at the end of the day: managing the ideas of the future " (Tokyo: Founding Society, 1979), p. 137. [8] Ju's Historical World — The Study of the Political Culture of Dr. Song Daes, Beijing: Life, Reading, New Knowledge Bookshop, 2011. [9] Peng Kuo-Sun: “The Middle Testimony of Wang Long Creek and the historical significance of its ideas”, Han-Study (Taipei), vol. 19, No. 2, December 2001, pp. 59-81. I'm in my "Defence and Connection in the History of Near Confucianism", hard copy, Taiwan Morning Publishing Company, 2013; CREDIT, Beijing: Chinese Bureau of Books, 2015. [10] Peng Kuo-Sun: “The Japanese Cabinet's Library of Arts and Culture and its Values and Meaning”, Confucian Books and Thoughts, Sixth Series, Beijing University Press, February 2014, pp. 318-328. [11] In the "Procedures of Prostitution", the Queens of Loong River is referred to as “the linguist, the record of which is without regard to hundreds of languages, and every man who speaks the words of His Majesty the Grand Duke. In his last words to the grandchildren before his death, he said, “The words of the Holy Spirit are direct and invent the spirit of the Confucius, so that you can follow the words of the doctrine and the Mons, and in doing so, he and he will live with him. "See Loyufan: Near Creek Collection (Four Full Book Series), Taiwan: Solemn Cultural Service Ltd., 1997, 130), p. 228. Yang Qiwon, on the high foot of Lo, also believes that “100-year-olds are gathered in the High Emperor.” See Yang Ikemoto, “A collection of Tibetans in Mr. Yang's home” (Four Full Books Series, Tainan: Solemn Cultural Industries Ltd., 1997), vol. 7, pp. 327. [12] See my “Mr. Zhou Haemen's Year Book”, under the article “Before Thirty-Seven Years”, in my “Defences and Connections in the History of Near Confucianism”. [13] Editor-in-chief, Exodus Hu: General History of Chinese Thoughts, Vol. 4, pp. 961, People's Press, 1959. [14] Fortune III: " Ethical idealism ", Encyclopaedia of Mr. Fortune III, vol. 9, Taiwan Associated Publishing Enterprises, Inc., 2003. [15] W. T. de Barry, The Trouble with Confucianism. Harvard University Press, 1996, p. 99. See The Confucian Dilemma, Yellowwater Baby, Beijing University Press, 2009, p. 117. [16] Amartya Sen, for example, has discovered the ideas and practices of democracy in Indian tradition and defined democracy as democracy from the perspective of “public deliberation”. See The Agumentative Indian: Workings on Indian History, Culture and Immigration, Picador, 2006. Entitled to the keynote address (8 March 2019), presented at the invitation of the Yung Ming Research Centre of the Toyo Joint Institute of Academic Studies of the Japanese University of Sanshu, Tokyo, Japan, No. 30, March 2020, pp. 1-28; Chinese, " Political orientation, dilemma and analysis of Yangtze ", Shenzhen Social Science, No. 3, 2019, pp. 22-31; English version of Public Sciences and the Dilemma in the School of Wang Yangming, to be published in Journal of Economic Affairs and Culture, Vol. 38, August, 2022. Wang Yang Ming Yang Ming. Entitled: admin Poster: Ideas of Love (http://www.aisixiang.com), column: Academies of Heaven > Philosophy > Chinese Philosophy Link to this paper: http://www.aisixiang.com/data/135739.html Enter an e-mail address in the box, separated by a semi-accompanied comma (,) between multiple emails.


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Peng Guoxiang: The Political Orientation, Predicament and Analysis of Yangming Studies


2022-08-04: [Article Link]  Wang Yang Ming Yang Ming. From a political point of view, this paper takes into account the light of the medium and the evening as a whole, an in-depth analysis of the meaning and relationship between the two different political orientations of “gossip Girl” and “gossip Girl” and, in turn, an analysis and evaluation of the concept of “popular political subject” and the traditional political ideals of Confucianism inherent in Yangtze. First of all, how can we understand the path of “sweeperwalk” opened by the Yangtze scholars in addition to the “go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go”? Secondly, how do we understand the relationship between “sweeper-walk” and “go-go-go-go-go” as two different political orientations in Yangming? Thirdly, how do we understand the notion of “popular political subjects” implicit in Yangtze and the difficulties they face? The key words are Yang Ming, political orientation, the way of a man, the way of a man, the way of a man, the way of a monarchy and democracy. Introduction At the outset, I would like to thank the Yang Ming Research Centre and Professor Tanaka for their invitation to come to the prestigious University of Yumong, which has a long tradition and a reputation for research and research in China, and to engage in academic exchanges with friends. Even though it is not all of my research, Yang Ming has been one of the priorities of my research work. So I am honoured and pleased to accept the invitation of the Yang Ming Research Centre and Professor Tanaka of the University of Santsu to share my thoughts on Yang Ming as a keynote speaker. If I understand it well, the invite would suggest that I discuss the current status of the Wanglong Creek study. But I would like to make a slight change, not just in the case of Wang Long Creek (1498-1583), but in order to share my views on Yangtze as a whole in the middle of the night. Of course, it is not my intention to speak in general terms, but rather to choose the particular perspective of “political orientation” and to present some of my observations and judgments on the yang schools of mid-to-late night. While my discussion is not limited to Wanglong Creek but involves many people who have studied it all in the middle of the night and in the middle of the night, Wang Long Creek remains a very critical figure from a “politically oriented” view of the middle and the middle of the night. In my view, his case can highlight, in particular, the complexity of the political ideals and practices faced by Yang Ming and, indeed, by the Confucian tradition as a whole. Of course, I would like to take advantage of this meeting to discuss middle-to-morrow Yang Ming from a political point of view. I would also like to say that Yang Ming’s introduction into Japan has led to full and rich development. So the concept of “yang Ming” should be viewed from the perspective of East Asia as a whole, not just from China. For example, what I discovered at Beijing University in the 1990s, in the four-year history of Chao-chung,[2] was first introduced into Japan and cited by modern Japanese scholars in their research, which shows that Japan has not only a tradition of positive science but also a tradition of studying positive science. In fact, besides Japan, there is a tradition of Yang Ming in Korea. While Korea’s Yang Ming is under constant pressure from Zhu, it is not like Japan to go along with Zhu, but there are further developments in the near future. For example, I myself was invited to attend a conference on Yangming in Korea, where I published a paper comparing Wang Long Creek with the Korean Yangming scholar Jung Ha.[3] However, my knowledge of Yang Ming in Japan is limited, and what I refer to in this paper is still limited to Yang Ming in China in the middle of the night. With regard to Japan's Yang Ming tradition, I hope to have the opportunity to consult with Japan's friends specializing in Japanese Yang Ming, which I would like to state first. With regard to the political orientation of Yangtze in the middle of the night, and its dilemma and evaluation, my discussion included the following questions. First, how to understand the path of “sweeper walking” opened by Yangtze scholars in addition to the “go-go-go-go-go” approach? Secondly, how do we understand the relationship between the two different political orientations of “sweeper-walking” and “go-go-go-go-go” in Yangming and, thirdly, how do we understand the concept of political subjects and the difficulties inherent in Yangtze? I. How do you understand the term “sweeper-walk”? In Mr. Yu's discussion of the change of tone between late tomorrow and tomorrow's business interaction and clear-minded thinking, Mr. Yu offered an enlightening view of Confucianism in the middle of the night and in the middle of the night, which was represented by Yangtze. In his view, compared to the political orientation of Dr. Song Daejong, the Confucianism represented by the Young-min scholars in the middle of the night, its political orientation has changed from a previous “go-go-go” to a “go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go” approach in tomorrow. [4] In other words, Mr. Yu believes that, under the high political pressure of tomorrow's generation, his political claims have shifted from “the temple” to “the folk”, beginning with Wang Yang Ming and representing the Confucianism. This statement was subsequently repeated in the book " Song's philosophy and political culture ".[5] Mr. Yu’s argument is well-founded in history, and I think it is certainly a correct observation. But, if the term “gossip Girl” is a desire to gain the full trust of the monarch, as has been done in history with the authorization or support of the monarch, to promote the Confucian political ideals, then how should it be understood that the Yangtze scholar has opened up an alternative to the “gosssip Girl” as a political orientation? Analysis suggests that if the sense is enlightenment, it means giving the “people” a sense of consciousness. So what kind of consciousness is that? Is it to give the “people” a sense of self-consciousness to a political subject, or is it merely an idea in the ethical and moral sense? Moreover, while the subject of the “sweeper people” in the “Sweeperwalk” is a Dr. Confucian, represented by the Yangtze Scholar, who is the subject of the “scholars.” What is the subject of the “scholars” who make the “people” “spiritlessly” and “sweetly”? Or does it include “people” and even “people” as the main subjects? Moreover, is the “path” to be promoted by the “sweet street” the same as the “pass” in the “manifest way”? These questions fall within the scope of how to understand the word “landwalk.” Here, let us look at them one at a time. I am afraid that there is no greater manifestation of the “sensitization” than a variety of social discourses or “speaks” events. Some of the “speaks” events are part of a theoretical discussion among the “speakers,” as reflected in the “winter travels” of the Yom Kippur (1504-1564). But much more is about education for the general public. And from the content of the various lectures, the sense of self that the young scholars want the general public to gain remains primarily an ethical and moral consciousness. In other words, the main element of the “sweet people” of the Yangtze scholars is not to create a sense of consciousness among the population at large of a political subject, but rather, like the traditional Dr. Confucian, to achieve full self-awareness in the ethical and moral sense in order to create a culture of “no evil for good” at the social level. However, since Confucian traditions do not make a clear conscious distinction between the ethical and political spheres, it is almost inevitable that the process of this “sensitization” — both by the general public and by the Confucian intellectuals represented by positive scholars, especially the latter — will also lead to the awakening of a sense of political subjectivity. Also known as Yang Ming's post-school pedagogy (1536-1608), when he criticized the popularization of Confucianism resulting from the passing of the ideas of Wang Xinsai (1483-1541) as a threat to the “King Tao”, so-called “Supreme Wang is a man of his own free will and has no choice but to serve as a mentor, and to open up the hearts of the humble kings? While this is a reflection of the idealistic self-proclaiming of the word “gossip Girl”, it is an implicit indication that the practice of other yang scholars of “seeing the way of the people” may create a sense of self-consciousness among the political actors of the general public. While the subject of “gossip Girl” in “gossip Girl” is, of course, a Confucian intellectual, the subject of “gossip Girl” still seems to be a Confucian intellectual, it is clear that “gossip Girl” is also an indispensable, even vital, member of the subject of “gossip Girl”. When we take the subject of the “walk” for granted to be a Confucian intellectual, it is in the perspective of a Confucian intellectual. The so-called “one-size-fits-all” is a reflection of the self-consciousness of a Confucian intellectual. But, from a “quiet” perspective, it is clear that different monarchs will have different understandings. Only, as most of Song’s monarchs do, will a Confucian doctor’s main sense of “co-rule” with the monarch be realized and, to some extent, realized. This is well discussed in Mr. Yu’s book “The History of Chu Ying’s World.”[8] But, for sovereigns such as Ming Tzu and later Kiyo-chung, the subjects of the “walk” can only be the monarchs themselves, and when Dr. Confucianes produces his own self-consciousness, they can only be a threat to and encroachment on the power of the monarchs. And, of course, like the King, the subjects of the Sage are also Confucian intellectuals, which is easier to understand. But what is to be understood by the subjects of “walks”? Clearly, the subjects of “walks” in “walks of mind” do not seem to have anything to do with “quies”, but only with the Confucian intellectuals, represented by the Yangtze scholars, and the public at large, i.e. “students” and “peoples”. In other words, who is the subject of the “walk” in the “sweet street”? There is a need to distinguish and consider between “students” and “people.” In my view, the subjects of the “walks” in the “landwalks” should include, first and foremost, Confucian intellectuals. Indeed, in a sense, the “peoples of the mind” themselves can be seen as a process of “roads,” because the “indoctrination” of the people has always been a conscious duty of Confucian intellectuals. This, starting with Confucius’s words, “I am a man and who is a man,” has set the tone in the Confucian tradition. Thus, the process of “sweet people” and “walks” as two sides of the same coin, the subject of which is, naturally, a Confucian intellectual. Now, however, we have to think about the question of “people.” The subject of “walks” is less than a Confucian intellectual, but can “people” become the subject of “walks” once they are “thinked” by Confucian intellectuals? It seems to me that “people” besides the Confucian intellectuals is also enough to be the subject of a “walk,” and, at least from the standpoint of the Yangtze, it is certain. The notions of “sungness in the hearts of men” and “the streets are all saints,” which are particularly highlighted, determine that “people” must be the subject of a “walk.” In this respect, the Confucian intellectuals and the public in society are merely the relationship between the prophet's prescient and the post-history, and the Confucian intellectuals and the public in society are no different from the point of view of conscience and heart. As a result, once they have been made aware, the general public can also take on the mission of “walking”. In fact, the popularization of Confucianism initiated by the Thai school of Queen Xiaoqiao, among others, as well as the emergence of such popularizations as Yanshan Noon (1504-1596), Ho Hin (1517-1579), Han Shing (1509-1585), Zhuan (1501-1583) and a large number of unrecorded social masses as the subjects of dysentery. The above-mentioned criticism of the Confucian popularization of Wang Xin Xai clearly shows that, in the opinion of those like them, the popularization of Yang Ming is the consequence of the widespread self-consciousness of the population, which is the awakening of the ideology of the political subject. This will undoubtedly challenge the authority of the monarch under the monarchy, and this is what the so-called “the heart of the apocalypse” means. Of course, it would have been unproblematic if, in the view of Yoo Soon, the Confucian tradition had always been “everyone can be” since the beginning of the Qin tradition, “people” could be the subject of a “walk”. However, the popularization of Confucianism, fearing that it would “open the hearts of the humbles” and expressing his position as “dignant.” This also suggests that the orientation of “gossip Girl” has not disappeared with the rise of “gossip Girl” in the middle of the night and in the middle of the night. So how do we look at the relationship between the two routes of “go-go-go-go-go” and “go-go-go-go” in Yangming? That's what we're going to look at in the next section. Before proceeding to the next section, however, there is a question that needs to be clarified as to how to understand the meaning of the word “landway” in the word “landway” and the word “landway” in the word “landway” in the word “landway”. It seems to me that, in general, in our language today, the word “gossip Girl” should focus more on Confucian political ideals, and the word “gossip Girl” should be more relevant to the norms of Confucian ethics. This is, of course, only an analysis from today’s perspective. If we take full account of the historical fact that the distinction between the political sphere and the ethical sphere is not always clear in Confucian traditions, including yang’s, then we must also be fully aware that the “do” in the “gossip Girl” is not only a political one, but also contains an ethical element. By the same token, the word “path” in the “sweeperwalk” is not merely a matter of ethics, but also of Confucian political ideals. For example, the blueprint described in the book “Together” of the Rhysics and Gentlemans makes it difficult to judge one or the other in the context of a political and ethical dichotomy. Thus, in this sense, we can also say that the two different routes of “go to the side” and “go to the side” can be seen as instructions for the Confucian political ideal, which is also a social blueprint with ethical and moral connotations. To sum up, the difference between a “sweeperwalk” and a “manager-go-go-go-go-go-go-go” is that the subject of a Confucian intellectual's political claim is transformed from a “quiet” to a “people” and that, accordingly, the subject of a pedagogue is no longer a Confucian intellectual and a monarchy, but an invisible one that transforms into a Confucian intellectual and a broad public. II. HOW TO UNDERSTAND THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE “SHOW TOGETHER” AND THE “TOGETHER” As long ago as in the paper “The Middle Testimony of Wanglong Creek and the historical significance of its ideas”,[9] I have already pointed out that we should be well informed about Mr. Yu Ying's assertion that he has gone from “go to the way” to “go to the way of the people”. In my view, a shift in emphasis from “go to the side” to “go to the side” should be understood as a shift, rather than a trade-off between the two. At the time, however, the article was not devoted to the political orientation of Yangtze, so my arguments were not fully developed. In the paper entitled “The Mid-Secretary of Wanglong Creek and the historical significance of its ideas”, and in a subsequent paper devoted to the study of the Middle-Secret, I pointed out that Wang Long-Secret had compiled the Chinese-Secret Document on the occasion of his accession to the throne, which not only brought together the biographical data of many eunuchs from China's history to his time, but was judged on a differentiated basis and was intended to influence the Emperor through eunuchs, which was a clear manifestation of the notion and practice of “Access to the Way”. An important intellectual significance of the event is to show us that, even for a Confucian intellectual like Wanglong Creek, who has devoted almost his entire life to socialism, this political orientation of “gossip Girl Road” has not disappeared, either as a concept or practice; it will be demonstrated as soon as the time is available. I also pointed out that, in the middle of the night and in the middle of the night, Confucian intellectuals with the political orientation of “get to the way of the world” are not in the few, and they are even the best. For example, Rowey Creek, like Wanglong Creek, is also a representative of tomorrow’s social discourse. And, compared to Wang Long Creek, if it is still aimed at Confucian intellectuals or at least living people, Rowey Creek (1515-1588) is taught to more people in society. However, it is a man like Rhodes who preaches, in his teachings, the Holy Word of the Father, and even the Holy Oracle of the Father. In his current writing, we can see that, whether it be to the general public, or to the private education of his children and grandchildren, or even his last words, for Rhodes Creek, Mt. It would seem that if one were to follow the Holy Word, one could be a better man than a Confucian. [11] In such words, we cannot fail to feel that, in the view of Rockey Creek, the Confucian political ideals seem to have been almost fulfilled by a monarch like Ming Tai-Jo. Another example is Zhou Haimen (1547-1629), who, in his book "Innocence in the Order of Purple", is clear enough to reveal how important, in his view, is to the Confucian intellectuals. Given his experience similar to that of Wang Yang Ming, Zhou Haimen was very encouraged when he was summoned by the Emperor and faced with the opportunity to take up his responsibilities in Beijing. At the same time, there has been no similar opportunity for Wang Yang-ming, and Zhou Haimen has shown a great deal of regret. In his view, it is a matter of regret that Wang Yang-ming has not been appointed by the Emperor, and that he has taken up a position in the central government, such as that of a “save” minister. It is clear that the political orientation of “gossip Girl” remains unbreakable in the view of Zhou Haimen. Whether it is possible to “gossip Girl” remains, in his view, a vital condition and guarantee for the ability of Confucian intellectuals to “gossipule.” Indeed, first-class Yangtze scholars, such as Wanglong Creek, Roway Creek and Zhou Haimen, have still not given up on the ideal of a “go-go-go-go” and their political orientation still places the “go-go-go-go” in a very important position, which is perfectly understandable. I'll analyze it in the back. Since such people as Wanglong Creek, Roway Creek and Zhou Haimen have not abandoned the concept of “gossip Girl Road”, it is not difficult to understand the tendency of Confucian civilization advocated by people like Wang Xinqiao, especially the notion that everyone implied in it can become a political subject, and that those who preach “gossip Girl” such as those who preach “gossip Girl” are immediately sensitive to the challenge of power, considering that such self-consciousness is sufficient to “open the hearts of the humble kings”. In fact, conflicts such as those between Orthodox Doctors (1524-1597) and Li Xuan (1527-1602), and between Orthodox Doctors and what's hidden are often understood in terms of social ethics and personal moral rehabilitation. In addition, however, differences in political orientation, particularly with regard to the understanding of who should bear the responsibility of the political subject, may also be an important factor. It is clear that, for an orthodox doctor such as gentrification, and a Confucian intellectual such as a mantra, it does not seem appropriate for the public to have the status of a political subject, which should be the union of the monarch and the Confucian intellectuals, rather than the confluence of the Confucian intellectuals and the general public. Thus, from a political point of view, a very interesting phenomenon emerges in the middle and morning of Yang Ming. On the one hand, starting with Wang Yang Ming, the Yangtze scholars have set up a path beyond the “go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go” approach. For Wang Yangming personally, this may be due to his political career, but I believe that, even if this were to happen, this orientation became a conscious feeling of Wang Yang Ming. In other words, even if the experience of never being able to “get around the world” leads to the ultimate despair of the Yangtze, which is forced to take a different path of “sweeper walking”, the “sweet walking” is gradually becoming a high degree of self-conscious and is no longer a choice that has to be pursued in such a way and back. Only then will it be understandable that, after the dawn of the sun, large-scale social talks are taking place and developing. It is a high degree of self-consciousness that Wang Xin-sai has not only repeatedly refused to do so, but also denied access to his children’s future generations. But, on the other hand, as I have pointed out before and once again, while the route of “Sweeperwalk” has become an important medium-to-night and bright learning alternative, it has not yet been completely abandoned, at least for such young scholars as Wanglong Creek, Lo Nye Creek and Zhou Haimen. And the interesting and interesting question to think about is: not to say that some of the yang scholars believe in the luminous way, but that some of the other yang scholars must not forget the vernacular way, but that these two different political orientations are combined with those of the yang scholars. I believe that there may not be an extreme single case between these two directions, or between them. But, in both cases, there must be an absolute majority in the group of positive scholars. Wang Long Creek does not have as much experience as Wang Yang-ming, and he has far less rank than Wang Yang-ming, and less merit than Wang Yang-ming. But, by the same token, he has experienced a setback in his career, even more serious than Wang Yang-ming. Wang Long Creek was dismissed, why was he dismissed? It's still unclear, and I've always wanted to do a special study. The problem, however, is clear: it was after the dismissal that Wang Long Creek put almost the entire body and body into the social discourse of the north and south of the river, the so-called “80s are not wasted”. In this way, Wanglong Creek should have given up completely on the idea of “get the way of the world.” However, what happened around the Mid-Secret is a clear indication that the way of “get the way of the world” has never been abandoned. Of course, for Wang Long Creek, “get the way” does not mean that the Confucian intellectuals themselves have been entrusted with the task of receiving the favors of the monarch, thus promoting the vision of the Confucian ideal as the King Anse of the North has done; rather, by influencing the ideas and practices of the monarch, by shaping a man who truly believes in the idea of the Confucian, the ideals of the Confucian are finally realized through this wise monarch. If the “gossip Girl” of Song Deok's intellectuals is still the “gossip Girl” as a political subject, the “gossip Girl” of Wanglong Creek is in fact no longer a Confucian intellectual and a monarchy, but a monarch is left alone. But why has Wang Long Creek been unwilling or unable to give up the political orientation of “gossip Girl Road”, even though it has suffered a great deal in the experience of politics, and even if it has been written in the history books with almost a lifetime of social lectures? As I have already pointed out, under a monarchy mechanism, the monarch is the ultimate source of all power. Without the guarantee of sovereignty, any “way” can be difficult to implement. Here, I would like to further point out that the case of Wanglong Creek and the dilemma of the Yangtze scholars, such as Rocky Creek, Zhou Haimen and others, reflected in two different political orientations: “Students” and “Governance” reveal, at a deeper level, such an inescapable question that must be carefully considered, namely, whether the role of a political subject can be assumed and played by a combination of Confucian intellectuals and the general public, both within the overall structure of the monarchy and under the absolute domination of the monarchy. It can be said that the entanglement shown by the young scholars on the issue of political orientation in the middle of the night is revealing who should take responsibility for such an issue and the dilemma it faces in the middle of the night and tomorrow. The concept of “popular political subject” and its dilemmas The key to the path of “sweeper walk” opened by Yang Ming is the intangible transformation of the composition of political subjects from a combination of Confucian intellectuals and monarchs to a combination of Confucian intellectuals and the general public. The consequences of such a conversion are not merely the end of the logic of “the heart of the apocalypse”, as the mantra calls it, and it is not possible to fail to point to the question of the legality of the monarchy and the monarchy. Why, then, is the Yangtze approach to “sweet folk walk” leading to such a change in the composition of political subjects? This is related to the notion that Yangtze is at the heart of the concept. As you know, Wang Yang-ming has said: “Ask for what you want, and not what you say, even if it comes from Confucius, you can’t believe it.” The “heart” that is sought here is the “heart” of the spiritual tradition, which is the “conscience” at the heart’s core. Clearly, the meaning of this phrase is that, in the opinion of Wang Yang Ming, even the words of the Confucian Saint Confucius, who is a sophomore, cannot be considered to be the correct criterion if he cannot withstand the test of his heart. At the same time, it also shows that for Wang Yang-ming, the ultimate criterion of everything that is not judgmental is the individual nature and conscience of everyone, and not any external authority. Since Confucius's words cannot be used as the final word for bad or bad, what about the monarch's “gold tongue”? Clearly, according to Wang Yang Ming, the monarch cannot be the norm for judging bad or bad. Moreover, we should not confine ourselves to the realm of ethics alone, but should also include aspects of political society. If one looks at it from a political society’s perspective, the idea of being positive will undoubtedly lead to a challenge to external political authority. This view, of course, is not the original idea of Wang Yangming, but rather the traditional principle of the Confucian family as a whole, the so-called “no-go-go” principle, which Wang Yang Ming said merely highlights more clearly the general principle of this Confucian tradition. While China's history has been marked by a history of “clerical “Association” (200 B.C. to 121), there are also many Confucian intellectuals who are “deutsche” in China. One example of this is the sacrifice of life by Ming-tae's Lee Yo-lu (?-1381) in defence of the Confucian principle and commitment represented by Meng-zie, which is “no-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go-go”. The high degree of self-consciousness shown to us by Mr. Yu Ying, in his Historical World, by Dr. Song and the monarch, “to rule the world together”, is a reflection of the ideology of the political subjects of the Confucian intellectuals. On the other hand, Yang Ming realized that he had opened up a further path of “sweeting the streets”, further expanding the scope of political subjects from the Confucian intellectuals to the general public as a whole. This change, as I pointed out earlier, the composition of political subjects has been transformed from a combination of Confucian intellectuals and monarchs into a combination of Confucian intellectuals and the general public. In other words, from the point of view of Yangtze, political subjects can and should function as political subjects, not only as sovereigns, but not even as Confucian intellectuals. This, in my view, is one of the most prominent features observed from the political point of view of Yangtze, which, in this sense, can be called “popular political subjects”. This notion of “popular political subject” is well illustrated in the case of Wang Xin Xiao, who, in his writings, had a dream of “the fall of heaven, the march of thousands of people for help,” and himself “to raise his arms” not only to raise the fallen day, but also to restore order to the sun and the moon. The interpretation of this story tends to be viewed by past thinkers as a reflection of “exultation” or even “narcissism”, as stated by the Minister for Foreign Affairs: “It is a religious myth, and it is entirely self-contained as a godfearing”. However, this dream is so solemnly recorded in the Ether book that it cannot be understood from this perspective alone. This, in my view, can be seen as a stark reflection of the consciousness of the protagonists of Ether. Moreover, such subjects are not just subjects in the sense of ethical and moral teaching, but also in the political and social sense. If the King’s conscience and the popularization of the Yangtze that it promotes are not only political subjects in the ordinary sense, but also, and more, in the popular political sphere, it is not difficult to understand, but rather to observe precisely, the so-called “minority of the Apocalypse.” But, in my view, there are two things to be said about this “popular political subject” of Yangtze. First, it is often not clearly distinguished from the dominant one in the ethical and moral sense. Not only is the general public often unable to distinguish between subjects in the political and social sense and those in the ethical and moral sense, but even Confucian intellectuals, represented by positive scholars, do not see such a conscious sense of distinction. As a result, the teaching of ethics and the practice of political and social societies are often intertwined. Second, even if the idea and practice of the yang’s “sensitization” necessarily lead to the awakening of a “popular political subject,” at the practical level, the sense of being a “political subject” may not have reached a very conscious level in society as a whole, given that such a subject is often mixed with a subject in the ethical and moral sense. For the Confucian intellectuals, even if the consciousness of such political subjects can be quite self-conscious, it is difficult to understand their identity as “political subjects” and their role as “political subjects” in the context of the reality of a highly centralized monarchy. Lu Quin (1536-1618)’s statements about “justice” and “power” are often cited by thinkers. Indeed, Lu Quin’s presentation is an excellent example of analysis and understanding of the dilemmas and dilemmas faced by tomorrow’s Confucian intellectuals as political subjects under a highly centralized monarchy. If you read it carefully, we will find that, while Lu Quin believes that “justice” is more noble than “power”, the so-called “justice and respect” and that “the word of reason above the temple can never be taken over by the gods; that is, each other, and that reason is always extended throughout the world”. But before he said that, he first affirmed it, but it was still “the best of reason and power in the heavens and the earth.” That was precisely because monarchy and monarchy represented a “power” that was ultimately a realistic political structure that could not be avoided. Moreover, the “right” has been taken by the “power”, not only by the reality that has been repeated in China's history, but also by the totalitarian monarchy, which is unprecedented in the evening and tomorrow. Thus, for Lu Quan, “the heavens must not be held hostage to one another” is a fiction, and “the other” is the real point that is constantly emerging in history. For China's traditional politics, Mr. Fortune (1909-1995) proposed an observational framework for “Grants, Brothers, Citizens”,[14] which I think is very accurate and enlightening. If the question of political subjects is to be seen in the context of the relationship between the two, we can see, as stated earlier, that under the political orientation of the “gossip Girl” they are to be shared between the “gossip Girl” and the “gossip Girl”; under the political orientation of the “gossip Girl” they are to be transformed into the “gos Man” and the “people”. However, the evolution of Chinese politics has taught us that it is a process of increasing monarchy by the way of Tang Song's exercise of power. In a situation where the “co-rule” of “councils” and “juveniles” have increasingly been transformed into “diplomatics” of “juveniles”, “councils” and “peoples” have been excluded as political subjects, or one of the factors that has allowed “juveniles” to become political subjects along with “councils” and “peoples” have not yet been implemented in real-world politics, and this awareness itself constitutes a direct conflict with “judgmental powers”. Even Confucian intellectuals who promote “Kingdos” will think that this ideology of political subject matter will be “invincible” and that the monarch himself will be aware of what he thinks. In fact, Wanglong Creek, Lo Jin Creek and others, who, on the one hand, have been able to follow the path of “sweeper walk” and, on the other hand, have been unable to give up their efforts to “get the way” and even to use Taijun's six messages as a model for their preaching, reflect a dilemma and dilemma: under a real political structure in which the rule of power is absolute, and in order to give as much effect as possible to the political and social ideals of the Confucian family, these bright scholars have had to repeat themselves between the “gods” and the “people”. This is a phenomenon in which Confucian intellectuals have no real peace as political subjects. Since Confucian intellectuals as political subjects are hard to establish, “popular political subjects” cannot really be realized from the ideas and practices of “sweet folk” and can only be “hidden and unsettled” as a “logic element” of positive science, perhaps even more so as a matter of history. Why can't Confucian political subjects be established and how can they be achieved? Then, whether the Confucian intellectuals, as foreseen by the way of Acquis, rule with the monarch over the political subjects of the world, or the “popular political subjects” that Yangming might have developed as a result of the way of the way of Acquaintance, why in the history of China could not really be established and realized? The crux of this, in my view, lies in the monarchy, which is the political system. Indeed, as Mr. Yu Ying-Ying pointed out in Song’s Science and Political Culture, one of the most important reasons for this is that it is increasingly difficult to achieve the path of “gossip Girl.” With the abolition of the majestic regime and the strengthening of the monarchy in the future, the “go-go-go-go” has become completely unattainable for Confucian intellectuals. However, as my analysis above shows, under the absolute yoke of autocratic power, the practice of “sweepers” can, at best, be carried out only in the area of ethics and ethics. Since the “popular political subjects” inherent in this route pose a direct threat to the power of the monarchy, it is much more difficult to develop under an authoritarian monarchy than under a “go-go-go-go” as a political orientation. In historical practice, the role of Confucian intellectuals as political subjects under the totalitarian monarchy has been difficult and subject to constant persecution, as in the case of the Mingmong Donglins. As for the awareness of the political subjects of society at large and a little action in society, it is all the more likely that the monarch will have to be eliminated as a factor of political instability. It can be said that the key to the failure of both the “manifest way” and the “manifest way” ultimately lies in the fact that the monarchy does not allow Confucian intellectuals to rule with them “under the rule of the world”, but only as an instrument of “rule of the world”, and even less in the fact that the general public is not allowed to try to “take charge” of themselves as political subjects, or at least no longer to be blind and submissive and slave. Whether it is a “manoeuvre” or a “manoeuvre” approach, it is a common goal to achieve the Confucian’s political and social ideals. However, the monarchy is not only the source of the inability to create and fulfil the Confucian political entities, but also the fundamental opposition between the Confucian’s political and social ideals and the “domestic” and “public” ideals. There is a secular view that the political and social ideals of Confucianism provide ideological support for the monarchy in China's history, on the contrary. Liu Bong, the first emperor in China’s history, has spoken to his father after taking power by force, revealing his “beneficent” mentality. And if the essence of the monarchy is “beneficent,” then the Confucian political ideal is “beautiful,” as reflected in the book “Branch of the House.” This political and social ideal of “the public world” is, in the name of Monko, “the people are worthy, the society is second, and the king is light.” Chu has ordered the removal of Monko's companions at the temple and ordered Liu to write “Monzi's Days” (1315-1400), deliberately deleting the phrase “the family” and “the public” as the prominent expression of the conflict. In China's history, after the establishment of the monarchy, the real Confucian intellectuals of all generations have sought to limit the powers of the monarch, whether through a complaint of disaster, such as Dong Jong Shu (179 B.C.-104 B.C.) or through a moral exhortation of good faith, such as a large number of intellectuals. The marginalization of successive generations in real politics, almost without exception, and even the capping of “perjury”, demonstrate the reality that the concept of “the common world” has been broken repeatedly by the “the home” monarchy. As for the political frustration of Confucius's life, it can be seen as a microcosm of what is actually happening to Confucian political and social ideals. Professor W.T. de Barry, who passed away a short while ago, pointed out in The Trouble with Confucianism that: “These Confucians often have to face the powerful rulers alone and deal with the complexity, rigidity, or factional strife of the imperial bureaucracy. The more they have a conscience, the easier they become martyrs or, more often, political thinkers.”[15] In any event, as long as the monarchy of “the home” is not eliminated, and the political and social ideals of the Confucian “the public” are never realized, it is natural that Confucian intellectuals and the general public cannot be established. So the next question is, how can Confucian political subjects be built and how can Confucian political ideals be realized? In my view, it is only within the framework of a democratic political framework that Confucian political subjects can truly be established and that the political and social ideals of “the common world” can be realized. As noted earlier, historical Chinese Confucian intellectuals have been trying to restrict the monarchy, but they have not been able to challenge the monarchy itself. But this has changed in the late hours of the day. We know that China was the first Confucian intellectual to come into contact with the Western representative system in recent times, such as Wang Jiu (1828-1898), Xue Fuxeng (1838-1894) and Zheng Xing (1842-1922), and that it appreciated it, believing that such a system would contribute to the realization of the political and social ideals of the Confucian society. Mr. Qianmu (1895-1990), known as a conservative, praised the political system of the United States in a letter addressed to Mr. Yu Yingh after his visit to the United States. All examples of this kind show that democratic politics is an intrinsic requirement of the ideals of a Confucian political society, and that it is reasonable for Confucian intellectuals to accept democratic politics. Democratic politics, of course, does not guarantee that the kind of “popular political subject” inherent in positive science can be established immediately, or that the political and social ideals of the Confucian “in the public domain” can be realized immediately. But the key point here is that, while democratic politics does not allow for the immediate resolution of the problems of a country like China, which has a tradition of millennia of monarchy, even in the early days of democratic politics, there will be even greater chaos, and problems in all their aspects will worsen rather than improve. However, it is certain that without a genuine democracy, many problems will never be resolved for a country with a long tradition of totalitarian monarchy and for a people with a deep-rooted sense of “people” rather than “citizenship”, and that the creation and realization of “popular political subjects” and “in the public domain” will remain elusive. I would like to conclude by saying that democracy encompasses both form and content and that, as a concrete formal structure, democracy can and should develop different models in the context of the historical traditions of peoples and nations. But as an idea and a spirit, democratic politics, in turn, is necessarily based on the ownership of the people themselves and on the division and checks and balances of power, which need not be the exclusive domain of the West. For the specific models of democratic politics in the world, this element is “one mind, one mind, one mind,” and “one mind, one mind.” I believe that, under a democratic political framework, it will be easier to realize political and social ideals that are “people-centred” and “people-centred” and “public.” Notes: [1] See Peng Kuo-Sun, “The development of conscience — Wanglong Creek and Yang Ming in the middle of the night”, Taiwan Student Bureau, hard copy, 2003; Beijing Triad Bookshop, CREDIT, 2005; Beijing Triple Bookshop, CREDENTIAL, 2015. [2] For a study on this encyclopedia, see my next edition, The Long Creek Convergence, and the Wang Long Creek collection, a short review of the Wang Long Creek collection, pp. 585-637, and the updated version of Conscience Development, pp. 585-637. [3] Peng Kuo-Sun: “The body and the man: Jung Xia Valley in conjunction with Wanglong Creek”, National Studies (Beijing), vol. 21, No. 1, 2008, pp. 101-126. Also in Peng's case: "Interpretation and reflection of Confucian tradition - learning modern Confucianism from Precinct, Song Mingjie." Wuhan University Press, 2012. [4] See Mr. Yu's two papers: “The review and vision of modern Confucianism — Modern Developments in Confucianism from Clear Thoughts” and “Student Interaction and Confucianism — A Clarification of Social History and Expressions of Thought”. [5] Yu Yingh: " Song's Science and Political Culture ", Morning Publishing Company, Taiwan, 2004. [6] For the exercise of merit in tomorrow's society, see Cynthia Brokaw, The Leggers of Merit and Demerit: Social Change and Moral Order in Late Imperial China, Princeton University Press, 1991. [7] Psychiatry: " Teacher's inquisitions ", vol. 23, p. 23. Reproduced from the Acadence of the Waste: " Study of religious ideas at the end of the day: managing the ideas of the future " (Tokyo: Founding Society, 1979), p. 137. [8] Ju's Historical World — The Study of the Political Culture of Dr. Song Daes, Beijing: Life, Reading, New Knowledge Bookshop, 2011. [9] Peng Kuo-Sun: “The Middle Testimony of Wang Long Creek and the historical significance of its ideas”, Han-Study (Taipei), vol. 19, No. 2, December 2001, pp. 59-81. I'm in my "Defence and Connection in the History of Near Confucianism", hard copy, Taiwan Morning Publishing Company, 2013; CREDIT, Beijing: Chinese Bureau of Books, 2015. [10] Peng Kuo-Sun: “The Japanese Cabinet's Library of Arts and Culture and its Values and Meaning”, Confucian Books and Thoughts, Sixth Series, Beijing University Press, February 2014, pp. 318-328. [11] In the "Procedures of Prostitution", the Queens of Loong River is referred to as “the linguist, the record of which is without regard to hundreds of languages, and every man who speaks the words of His Majesty the Grand Duke. In his last words to the grandchildren before his death, he said, “The words of the Holy Spirit are direct and invent the spirit of the Confucius, so that you can follow the words of the doctrine and the Mons, and in doing so, he and he will live with him. "See Loyufan: Near Creek Collection (Four Full Book Series), Taiwan: Solemn Cultural Service Ltd., 1997, 130), p. 228. Yang Qiwon, on the high foot of Lo, also believes that “100-year-olds are gathered in the High Emperor.” See Yang Ikemoto, “A collection of Tibetans in Mr. Yang's home” (Four Full Books Series, Tainan: Solemn Cultural Industries Ltd., 1997), vol. 7, pp. 327. [12] See my “Mr. Zhou Haemen's Year Book”, under the article “Before Thirty-Seven Years”, in my “Defences and Connections in the History of Near Confucianism”. [13] Editor-in-chief, Exodus Hu: General History of Chinese Thoughts, Vol. 4, pp. 961, People's Press, 1959. [14] Fortune III: " Ethical idealism ", Encyclopaedia of Mr. Fortune III, vol. 9, Taiwan Associated Publishing Enterprises, Inc., 2003. [15] W. T. de Barry, The Trouble with Confucianism. Harvard University Press, 1996, p. 99. See The Confucian Dilemma, Yellowwater Baby, Beijing University Press, 2009, p. 117. [16] Amartya Sen, for example, has discovered the ideas and practices of democracy in Indian tradition and defined democracy as democracy from the perspective of “public deliberation”. See The Agumentative Indian: Workings on Indian History, Culture and Immigration, Picador, 2006. Entitled to the keynote address (8 March 2019), presented at the invitation of the Yung Ming Research Centre of the Toyo Joint Institute of Academic Studies of the Japanese University of Sanshu, Tokyo, Japan, No. 30, March 2020, pp. 1-28; Chinese, " Political orientation, dilemma and analysis of Yangtze ", Shenzhen Social Science, No. 3, 2019, pp. 22-31; English version of Public Sciences and the Dilemma in the School of Wang Yangming, to be published in Journal of Economic Affairs and Culture, Vol. 38, August, 2022. Wang Yang Ming Yang Ming. Entitled: admin Poster: Ideas of Love (http://www.aisixiang.com), column: Academies of Heaven > Philosophy > Chinese Philosophy Link to this paper: http://www.aisixiang.com/data/135739.html Enter an e-mail address in the box, separated by a semi-accompanied comma (,) between multiple emails.

Note: This is a translated version of the Chinese news media article. A mature and nuanced reading is suggested.

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2022-10-07: “Japanese nationals, who used to worship foreigners. The legacy of thousands of years is not easy to reform at all. If there were anything left in Japan's civilization other than the machines and science that were imported into Europe and America, the civilization and the thought of China's…  

Zhuo Xinping: Correctly Understand Religion and Treat Religious Studies Kindly - Response to "What is "Religious View" and "Religious Studies"? On "Academic Theology""

2022-10-06: Religious studies Religious science [author]: The paper version of this paper has been published in the Marxist Study, No. 7 of 2014 in the “Rocking” section, and also in the author's response article, “It is not appropriate to impose “religion” and “research” in personal perception.…

Zao Cai 丨 Haikou implemented temporary global static management from 7:00 to 22:00 today; "OPEC+" decided to reduce oil production, and Biden was in a hurry; Haitian Flavor Industry responded to the "double standard" storm of additives again

2022-10-06: NBD Editor Hu Ling Zhang Hee-wei Ho No.1 On 5 October, the entrance examination for 2023 was officially opened, and from 5 to 25 October, according to the National Master's Programme Regulations for the Administration of Post-graduate Admissions, 2023, candidates could register for the…  

Zao Cai 丨 Haikou implemented temporary global static management from 7:00 to 22:00 today; Haitian Flavor Industry responded to the "double standard" storm of additives again; "OPEC+" decided to reduce oil production, and Biden was anxious; Zelensky spoke out and asked Russia pay war reparations

2022-10-06: NBD Editor No.1 On 5 October, the entrance examination for 2023 was officially opened, and from 5 to 25 October, according to the National Master's Programme Regulations for the Administration of Post-graduate Admissions, 2023, candidates could register for the examination on the Internet at…

Zao Cai 丨 "Jay Chou Company" has applied for IPO again; private equity bigwig Dan Bin: returning to China at the end of the month; 38 people were killed in the shooting in a kindergarten in Thailand; "North Stream" on-site investigation: confirmed that the explosion damaged the pipeline

2022-10-07: NBD Editor, Jan Jang, He He Hee Wai, He Peach. NO.1 According to the Chinese Academy of Sciences, for the first time at the international level, our scientific team has been able to achieve a 100-km free space high-precision time frequency transfer experiment, with time transfer stability…