Xu Jianfeng: How to deal with the United States to prevent cross-strait reunification


2022-08-08: [Chinese Article Link]  Question of Taiwan In recent times, the question of Taiwan seems to be of particular concern and concern. In August 2021, United States President Biden, in an interview with the American Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), claimed that if NATO was invaded by anyone, the United States would respond, as would its approach to Taiwan. On 21 October, in an interview with CNN, he said that, in the event of a war in Taiwan, the United States would “defend Taiwan.” On 27 October, CNN published a special interview with Tsai, the leader of the Taiwan region, who first confirmed the existence of the United States military in Taiwan. This is a very unusual matter, most likely given by the United States with its tacit consent, as well as yet another serious incident in which the United States attempted to break through the “Three Principles” of China-United States Exchange and hit the bottom line of the diplomatic relations between the United States and the United States. On 7 December, United States White House National Security Adviser Sullivan stated at a White House press conference that the United States would do everything in its power to ensure that there would never be a war on Taiwan in mainland China. Although President Biden reiterated in a video meeting with President Xi Jinping on 16 November that the United States “does not support Taiwan's independence”; the White House and the United States State Department spokesperson have repeatedly stressed that the United States “has not changed its policy on Taiwan”. But if the development and evolution of the situation in the Taiwan Strait ultimately compel the mainland of China to take decisive measures in accordance with the Anti-Several State Act, does the United States really “defend Taiwan” as Biden put it? In other words, would the United States use force to prevent China from waging a united war? There is a variety of analyses and judgements about this. Some say that the United States will not and will not. Others say that, for geopolitical, strategic balance, ideological, etc., the United States is bound to join the army. Can the reunification of China avoid United States military intervention? Since Nixon’s visit to China, the US position on Taiwan has emphasized two basic points: one is to insist on a one-China policy. America’s one-size-fits-all policy, by their definition, is “three newspapers, one law, six guarantees,” which does not amount to our one-China principle. In the joint communiqué issued by China and the United States on 28 February 1972, the “Shanghai Communiqué”, the United States stated: “The United States recognizes that all Chinese on both sides of the Taiwan Strait believe that there is a China and Taiwan is a part of China. The United States Government does not contest this position and reiterates its interest in the peaceful resolution of the Taiwan issue by the Chinese themselves. On 15 December 1978, the day before the joint communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and the United States, the United States Government issued a statement in which it stated: “The United States remains concerned about the peaceful settlement of the question of Taiwan and expects that the question of Taiwan will be resolved peacefully by the Chinese themselves. On 10 April 1979, the United States Congress adopted and President Carter signed a domestic law called the Relations with Taiwan Act, article 2, paragraphs 3 and 4, of which states, respectively: “The decision of the United States to establish diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China is based on the expectation that Taiwan's future will be resolved by peaceful means. “Any effort to determine Taiwan's future by non-peaceful means, including boycotts or embargoes, is a threat to peace and security in the Western Pacific region and is a matter of grave concern to the United States. On 14 July 1982, on the eve of the “817 Communiqué” between China and the United States, the President of the United States, Reagan, conveyed to the Taiwan side the so-called six-point pledge, the fifth of which was that “the United States has not changed its position on the issue of Taiwan's sovereignty”. In other words, the question of Taiwan could be resolved peacefully. In March 2005, China adopted the Anti-Several State Act. After the end of the Cold War, the Soviet Union disappeared as the greatest enemy of the United States. Monzi said: “Incomings are impossible, invincible foreign patients are dying. “As Americans may not have read Monzi, even if they have read it, they may not have understood Monko’s words, but, after losing their biggest rivals, the troubled American strategic community has been searching for its potential greatest enemy throughout the world. It is both helpless and honoured that, thanks to China’s rapid development, the enemy was finally found and locked in. That is China. In 2017, the Trump Government issued the National Security Strategy Report, which positioned China as a “strategic competitor” of the United States. After the Biden Government came to power in 2021, the Interim Guide to the National Security Strategy of the United States stated that China had surpassed Russia and was now the largest competitor in the United States. After Nixon’s visit to China that year, the US tried to bring China together against the Soviet Union, with China’s relations entering the honeymoon period. The Soviet Union has now disintegrated, the Cold War has ended, the geopolitical landscape of the world has fundamentally changed, and the nature and foundations of US-China relations, America’s policy toward China, and America’s position on Taiwan are bound to change. Now that China has become the biggest competitor in America, it is no surprise that the US has become stronger on Taiwan, rather than more moderate, in the interests of the strategic imperative of “one-stage-making.” It is entirely predictable that the United States will oppose the resolution of the Taiwan issue by force in the present-day configuration of the world, and we should not hesitate to do so. The question is, in what form and by what means does the United States oppose it, and to what extent? Is it simply a strong condemnation of China, or is it a further reduction in the level of diplomatic relations with China or even a break? Are there coordinated diplomatic, financial and trade sanctions against China by allied countries, or are allied countries imposing maritime blockades on China in the maritime areas around the Taiwan Strait, the South China Sea, the East China Sea and beyond? The United States has always pursued a strategy of strategic ambiguity in terms of providing Taiwan with a great deal of advanced weapons and military intelligence support, or directly fighting the mainland. This vague strategy aims both to maintain a strong deterrent to the mainland China and to avoid any hint of encouragement of “Taiwan independence” in order to prevent the United States from becoming passively involved in the Taiwan war and falling into a black hole in the unforeseeable conflict of major Powers. According to the established position of the United States, only through peaceful reunification between the two sides will the United States be able to retreat and find no reason or excuse to intervene in the settlement of the Taiwan issue. But the US position is also unreliable. Not long ago, US Navy Secretary Carlos Del Toro said that the US would not accept reunification between the two sides in any way. II. A number of factors affecting the decision of the United States to intervene in the reunification of the two shores First, it must consider which side has broken the status quo in cross-Strait relations, whether the United States is well known and whether it is necessary to assume the legal obligations it has imposed on itself, so-called “helping to maintain peace, security and stability in the Western Pacific”. As for the status quo in cross-Strait relations, we have our definition, they have their definition, and we all agree on the word. Second, it must consider whether the Liberation Army (PLA) has the capacity to quickly occupy and control Taiwan before an effective military response is made outside. If the Liberation Army (PLA) has landed on Taiwan and has taken control of the island prior to the completion of effective military combat against Taiwan in the United States, then it would be more difficult for the offensive, for the US army to contemplate military intervention, and to force the Liberation Army (PLA) to withdraw from Taiwan. Thirdly, it must consider how long the Taiwan army will last in the face of an attack by the Liberation Army (PLA) if Taiwan is given sufficient arms, logistics, and intelligence support. If the military operations of the Liberation Army (PLA) can be blocked before the United States forces go out directly, making it impossible for the PLA to board the island quickly, to control the whole island and to end the fighting, the United States military will be impulsive to intervene militarily. Fourthly, it has to consider whether it can effectively stop the military operations of the Liberation Army (PLA) if the United States forces intervene directly. In other words, does it have the capacity to defeat the Liberation Army (PLA)? If it does not stop the Liberation Army (PLA) from occupying and controlling Taiwan even if it does so directly, the impulse for its military intervention will decline and disappear. Fifthly, it must consider whether the military conflict between China and the United States will lead to a full-scale war between the two countries, in other words, how strong and firm is China's national will to preserve national sovereignty and the integrity and unity of its territory? It may expect and infer that, if China is militarily unable to counterbalance the United States, and once it joins the United States, China chooses to remain silent and retreat when it measures the big and small gains and losses of its core interests. However, even if the Liberation Army (PLA) is unable to defeat the United States army, or even suppress it, China remains determined to achieve national sovereignty and the complete reunification of its territory at all costs. If the United States is determined to intervene by force, the conflict will not cease, the situation will escalate and a full-scale war between the two countries will eventually break out. Sixthly, it has to consider whether the full-scale war between China and the United States will be protracted. The United States has been caught in the Korean war for three years, in the Vietnam war for ten years, in the Iraq war for seven years, and in Afghanistan for ten years. How long will the United States be caught in a full-scale war with China, which, after all, is different from North Korea, Viet Nam, Iraq and Afghanistan? China is a nuclear power with enormous strategic leeway, with the second largest economy in the world, with intercontinental ballistic missiles and even hypervelocity missiles. Does it have to consider that it can afford to wage a protracted war with China? Seventh, it has to consider whether the Chinese-American war will lead to World War III. In accordance with the United States’ covenants with the countries concerned, it is necessary for its allies to join the war between China and the United States. So, would there be other countries that would side with China in the war and join it? If so, it would be World War III. Perhaps not in the early stages of the war. But, if China is able to sustain the war long enough, it will be difficult to rule out the active participation of other powers in the war and to support China in the interest of maintaining global balance. Eighth, it has to be considered whether the full-scale war between China and the United States will take a severe toll on the United States mainland, and whether it will eventually lead to a nuclear war. The United States, with its combined national power, particularly its military power, is clearly stronger than China, while the United States has a strong ally system and numerous military bases around China. Not only does China have no reliable allies, but there is no military base around the United States. The United States is capable of fighting China’s mainland through conventional weapons, and China will be very difficult to hit its mainland if it does not use strategic weapons. Therefore, if the war process threatens the survival of the Chinese nation, China will not be precluded from considering strategic weapons, including nuclear weapons, to protect itself against the United States. Although China has solemnly declared that it will not be the first to use nuclear weapons on many occasions, the United States will not believe even if China remains committed to its commitment not to be the first to use nuclear weapons at a time of life or death. Ninth, it has to consider whether China’s reunification will completely destabilize America’s hegemonic position. Clearly, even if China is united, America’s scientific and technological power remains, America’s military power remains, America’s dollar power remains, America’s economic power remains, America’s ally system is still in place, America’s geographical advantage is still far from Eurasia, and the US remains the world’s main source of talent. China’s unity cannot change these facts in the United States, nor can it change America’s hegemonic position around the world. China’s unity is nothing but a tool to break the policy of the United States of America, which is “a Taiwan-based China.” For the foreseeable future, China does not have the combined power to challenge America’s hegemonic position in the world. But, in the view of some of America’s people suffering from strategic anxiety, this is tantamount to a build-up of strategic rivals, which weakens themselves and is therefore unacceptable. Tenth, it has to consider who is better off to choose between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait if it has to be chosen, in other words, is it worth the “defend Taiwan” risk of an indigenous nuclear strike? “The real world remains a realist world.” “The foreign policy of the United States has always been governed by the logic of realism.” “The US’s struggle against fascism in World War II, and against communism in the Cold War, were largely rooted in realism.” In American opinion, “inter-state relations are based on neither emotion nor principle, but on selfish interests. While the United States has spoken out to “protect Taiwan”, the Americans themselves have admitted that “the United States is saying one thing and doing one thing.” This is in keeping with the national identity of the United States. The English-speaking people are “the masters of art who hide their selfish national interests under the guise of goodness” and “this hypocrisy is a peculiarity in Anglo-Saxon thinking”. iii. The enemy is generous, the enemy is subservient, and the foundation of war is mine and none of us. Sun Tzu said: “The law of the use of military force does not wrong me, nor does it prevent me from taking action, nor does it allow me to take action.” This prepared mind of war by the grandson should be our fundamental principle in resolving the Taiwan issue. The two sides of the Taiwan Strait belong to one China, and the people of both sides belong to the same Chinese. The Chinese do not beat the Chinese, and strive to avoid a repetition of the tragedy of civil war in China’s history, which should become a strong consensus among Chinese on both sides. Peace on both sides, however, cannot be at the cost of a complete division between the two sides. The two sides have to be united, and they must be united. If the evolution of the situation in the Taiwan Strait ultimately leads the continent to take decisive measures under the Anti-State Secession Act, we must be fully prepared for the military struggle with the United States and its allies. “No one can come, no one can wait.” In the event of war in Taiwan, we will not be able to help the United States make the right choice. All we can do is be prepared to deal with the worst. We are prepared to withstand world wars or even nuclear wars in order to speak of war. "Don't fight with no certainty." "If you don't, you don't have to. If you don't, you don't have to. The Lord should not be angry with the army, nor should he be able to fight, nor should he be in a position to do so, nor should he be in a position to do so, nor should he be in a position to do so, nor should he be allowed to return to life. If our military struggle is not ready enough to win under the conditions of the United States and its allies, then strategic patience should continue to be the choice. The outcome of the wars of the major powers depends on a dual struggle between military power based on the combined strength of the state and the will of the nation based on its people. Just as military power alone is not enough to win a war, so is the support of the people. There is insufficient will on the part of the state, and there is no hope of winning a war. There is not enough military strength, nor is there any certainty that we will win. We must be fully prepared for both, and our victory will not only be assured, but even “unwary and submissive”. In short, rather than conjecturing and judging whether the United States is involved in a united war in China by force, it is better to be prepared to deal with it. The basis for a war victory must be in its own hands, not in others’. Xu Blade, Director of Personnel, Shanghai City School of Socialism Source: Chinese Review, March 2022. Question of Taiwan Entitled: admin Poster: Ideas of Love (http://www.aisixiang.com), column: Academies of Heaven > > Political Science > Taiwan Research Topic > Taiwan Politics Link to this paper: http://www.aisixiang.com/data/135812.html Enter an e-mail address in the box, separated by a semi-accompanied comma (,) between multiple emails.


Note: This is a machine translated version of the Chinese news media article. A mature and nuanced reading is suggested.




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Xu Jianfeng: How to deal with the United States to prevent cross-strait reunification


2022-08-08: [Article Link]  Question of Taiwan In recent times, the question of Taiwan seems to be of particular concern and concern. In August 2021, United States President Biden, in an interview with the American Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), claimed that if NATO was invaded by anyone, the United States would respond, as would its approach to Taiwan. On 21 October, in an interview with CNN, he said that, in the event of a war in Taiwan, the United States would “defend Taiwan.” On 27 October, CNN published a special interview with Tsai, the leader of the Taiwan region, who first confirmed the existence of the United States military in Taiwan. This is a very unusual matter, most likely given by the United States with its tacit consent, as well as yet another serious incident in which the United States attempted to break through the “Three Principles” of China-United States Exchange and hit the bottom line of the diplomatic relations between the United States and the United States. On 7 December, United States White House National Security Adviser Sullivan stated at a White House press conference that the United States would do everything in its power to ensure that there would never be a war on Taiwan in mainland China. Although President Biden reiterated in a video meeting with President Xi Jinping on 16 November that the United States “does not support Taiwan's independence”; the White House and the United States State Department spokesperson have repeatedly stressed that the United States “has not changed its policy on Taiwan”. But if the development and evolution of the situation in the Taiwan Strait ultimately compel the mainland of China to take decisive measures in accordance with the Anti-Several State Act, does the United States really “defend Taiwan” as Biden put it? In other words, would the United States use force to prevent China from waging a united war? There is a variety of analyses and judgements about this. Some say that the United States will not and will not. Others say that, for geopolitical, strategic balance, ideological, etc., the United States is bound to join the army. Can the reunification of China avoid United States military intervention? Since Nixon’s visit to China, the US position on Taiwan has emphasized two basic points: one is to insist on a one-China policy. America’s one-size-fits-all policy, by their definition, is “three newspapers, one law, six guarantees,” which does not amount to our one-China principle. In the joint communiqué issued by China and the United States on 28 February 1972, the “Shanghai Communiqué”, the United States stated: “The United States recognizes that all Chinese on both sides of the Taiwan Strait believe that there is a China and Taiwan is a part of China. The United States Government does not contest this position and reiterates its interest in the peaceful resolution of the Taiwan issue by the Chinese themselves. On 15 December 1978, the day before the joint communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and the United States, the United States Government issued a statement in which it stated: “The United States remains concerned about the peaceful settlement of the question of Taiwan and expects that the question of Taiwan will be resolved peacefully by the Chinese themselves. On 10 April 1979, the United States Congress adopted and President Carter signed a domestic law called the Relations with Taiwan Act, article 2, paragraphs 3 and 4, of which states, respectively: “The decision of the United States to establish diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China is based on the expectation that Taiwan's future will be resolved by peaceful means. “Any effort to determine Taiwan's future by non-peaceful means, including boycotts or embargoes, is a threat to peace and security in the Western Pacific region and is a matter of grave concern to the United States. On 14 July 1982, on the eve of the “817 Communiqué” between China and the United States, the President of the United States, Reagan, conveyed to the Taiwan side the so-called six-point pledge, the fifth of which was that “the United States has not changed its position on the issue of Taiwan's sovereignty”. In other words, the question of Taiwan could be resolved peacefully. In March 2005, China adopted the Anti-Several State Act. After the end of the Cold War, the Soviet Union disappeared as the greatest enemy of the United States. Monzi said: “Incomings are impossible, invincible foreign patients are dying. “As Americans may not have read Monzi, even if they have read it, they may not have understood Monko’s words, but, after losing their biggest rivals, the troubled American strategic community has been searching for its potential greatest enemy throughout the world. It is both helpless and honoured that, thanks to China’s rapid development, the enemy was finally found and locked in. That is China. In 2017, the Trump Government issued the National Security Strategy Report, which positioned China as a “strategic competitor” of the United States. After the Biden Government came to power in 2021, the Interim Guide to the National Security Strategy of the United States stated that China had surpassed Russia and was now the largest competitor in the United States. After Nixon’s visit to China that year, the US tried to bring China together against the Soviet Union, with China’s relations entering the honeymoon period. The Soviet Union has now disintegrated, the Cold War has ended, the geopolitical landscape of the world has fundamentally changed, and the nature and foundations of US-China relations, America’s policy toward China, and America’s position on Taiwan are bound to change. Now that China has become the biggest competitor in America, it is no surprise that the US has become stronger on Taiwan, rather than more moderate, in the interests of the strategic imperative of “one-stage-making.” It is entirely predictable that the United States will oppose the resolution of the Taiwan issue by force in the present-day configuration of the world, and we should not hesitate to do so. The question is, in what form and by what means does the United States oppose it, and to what extent? Is it simply a strong condemnation of China, or is it a further reduction in the level of diplomatic relations with China or even a break? Are there coordinated diplomatic, financial and trade sanctions against China by allied countries, or are allied countries imposing maritime blockades on China in the maritime areas around the Taiwan Strait, the South China Sea, the East China Sea and beyond? The United States has always pursued a strategy of strategic ambiguity in terms of providing Taiwan with a great deal of advanced weapons and military intelligence support, or directly fighting the mainland. This vague strategy aims both to maintain a strong deterrent to the mainland China and to avoid any hint of encouragement of “Taiwan independence” in order to prevent the United States from becoming passively involved in the Taiwan war and falling into a black hole in the unforeseeable conflict of major Powers. According to the established position of the United States, only through peaceful reunification between the two sides will the United States be able to retreat and find no reason or excuse to intervene in the settlement of the Taiwan issue. But the US position is also unreliable. Not long ago, US Navy Secretary Carlos Del Toro said that the US would not accept reunification between the two sides in any way. II. A number of factors affecting the decision of the United States to intervene in the reunification of the two shores First, it must consider which side has broken the status quo in cross-Strait relations, whether the United States is well known and whether it is necessary to assume the legal obligations it has imposed on itself, so-called “helping to maintain peace, security and stability in the Western Pacific”. As for the status quo in cross-Strait relations, we have our definition, they have their definition, and we all agree on the word. Second, it must consider whether the Liberation Army (PLA) has the capacity to quickly occupy and control Taiwan before an effective military response is made outside. If the Liberation Army (PLA) has landed on Taiwan and has taken control of the island prior to the completion of effective military combat against Taiwan in the United States, then it would be more difficult for the offensive, for the US army to contemplate military intervention, and to force the Liberation Army (PLA) to withdraw from Taiwan. Thirdly, it must consider how long the Taiwan army will last in the face of an attack by the Liberation Army (PLA) if Taiwan is given sufficient arms, logistics, and intelligence support. If the military operations of the Liberation Army (PLA) can be blocked before the United States forces go out directly, making it impossible for the PLA to board the island quickly, to control the whole island and to end the fighting, the United States military will be impulsive to intervene militarily. Fourthly, it has to consider whether it can effectively stop the military operations of the Liberation Army (PLA) if the United States forces intervene directly. In other words, does it have the capacity to defeat the Liberation Army (PLA)? If it does not stop the Liberation Army (PLA) from occupying and controlling Taiwan even if it does so directly, the impulse for its military intervention will decline and disappear. Fifthly, it must consider whether the military conflict between China and the United States will lead to a full-scale war between the two countries, in other words, how strong and firm is China's national will to preserve national sovereignty and the integrity and unity of its territory? It may expect and infer that, if China is militarily unable to counterbalance the United States, and once it joins the United States, China chooses to remain silent and retreat when it measures the big and small gains and losses of its core interests. However, even if the Liberation Army (PLA) is unable to defeat the United States army, or even suppress it, China remains determined to achieve national sovereignty and the complete reunification of its territory at all costs. If the United States is determined to intervene by force, the conflict will not cease, the situation will escalate and a full-scale war between the two countries will eventually break out. Sixthly, it has to consider whether the full-scale war between China and the United States will be protracted. The United States has been caught in the Korean war for three years, in the Vietnam war for ten years, in the Iraq war for seven years, and in Afghanistan for ten years. How long will the United States be caught in a full-scale war with China, which, after all, is different from North Korea, Viet Nam, Iraq and Afghanistan? China is a nuclear power with enormous strategic leeway, with the second largest economy in the world, with intercontinental ballistic missiles and even hypervelocity missiles. Does it have to consider that it can afford to wage a protracted war with China? Seventh, it has to consider whether the Chinese-American war will lead to World War III. In accordance with the United States’ covenants with the countries concerned, it is necessary for its allies to join the war between China and the United States. So, would there be other countries that would side with China in the war and join it? If so, it would be World War III. Perhaps not in the early stages of the war. But, if China is able to sustain the war long enough, it will be difficult to rule out the active participation of other powers in the war and to support China in the interest of maintaining global balance. Eighth, it has to be considered whether the full-scale war between China and the United States will take a severe toll on the United States mainland, and whether it will eventually lead to a nuclear war. The United States, with its combined national power, particularly its military power, is clearly stronger than China, while the United States has a strong ally system and numerous military bases around China. Not only does China have no reliable allies, but there is no military base around the United States. The United States is capable of fighting China’s mainland through conventional weapons, and China will be very difficult to hit its mainland if it does not use strategic weapons. Therefore, if the war process threatens the survival of the Chinese nation, China will not be precluded from considering strategic weapons, including nuclear weapons, to protect itself against the United States. Although China has solemnly declared that it will not be the first to use nuclear weapons on many occasions, the United States will not believe even if China remains committed to its commitment not to be the first to use nuclear weapons at a time of life or death. Ninth, it has to consider whether China’s reunification will completely destabilize America’s hegemonic position. Clearly, even if China is united, America’s scientific and technological power remains, America’s military power remains, America’s dollar power remains, America’s economic power remains, America’s ally system is still in place, America’s geographical advantage is still far from Eurasia, and the US remains the world’s main source of talent. China’s unity cannot change these facts in the United States, nor can it change America’s hegemonic position around the world. China’s unity is nothing but a tool to break the policy of the United States of America, which is “a Taiwan-based China.” For the foreseeable future, China does not have the combined power to challenge America’s hegemonic position in the world. But, in the view of some of America’s people suffering from strategic anxiety, this is tantamount to a build-up of strategic rivals, which weakens themselves and is therefore unacceptable. Tenth, it has to consider who is better off to choose between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait if it has to be chosen, in other words, is it worth the “defend Taiwan” risk of an indigenous nuclear strike? “The real world remains a realist world.” “The foreign policy of the United States has always been governed by the logic of realism.” “The US’s struggle against fascism in World War II, and against communism in the Cold War, were largely rooted in realism.” In American opinion, “inter-state relations are based on neither emotion nor principle, but on selfish interests. While the United States has spoken out to “protect Taiwan”, the Americans themselves have admitted that “the United States is saying one thing and doing one thing.” This is in keeping with the national identity of the United States. The English-speaking people are “the masters of art who hide their selfish national interests under the guise of goodness” and “this hypocrisy is a peculiarity in Anglo-Saxon thinking”. iii. The enemy is generous, the enemy is subservient, and the foundation of war is mine and none of us. Sun Tzu said: “The law of the use of military force does not wrong me, nor does it prevent me from taking action, nor does it allow me to take action.” This prepared mind of war by the grandson should be our fundamental principle in resolving the Taiwan issue. The two sides of the Taiwan Strait belong to one China, and the people of both sides belong to the same Chinese. The Chinese do not beat the Chinese, and strive to avoid a repetition of the tragedy of civil war in China’s history, which should become a strong consensus among Chinese on both sides. Peace on both sides, however, cannot be at the cost of a complete division between the two sides. The two sides have to be united, and they must be united. If the evolution of the situation in the Taiwan Strait ultimately leads the continent to take decisive measures under the Anti-State Secession Act, we must be fully prepared for the military struggle with the United States and its allies. “No one can come, no one can wait.” In the event of war in Taiwan, we will not be able to help the United States make the right choice. All we can do is be prepared to deal with the worst. We are prepared to withstand world wars or even nuclear wars in order to speak of war. "Don't fight with no certainty." "If you don't, you don't have to. If you don't, you don't have to. The Lord should not be angry with the army, nor should he be able to fight, nor should he be in a position to do so, nor should he be in a position to do so, nor should he be in a position to do so, nor should he be allowed to return to life. If our military struggle is not ready enough to win under the conditions of the United States and its allies, then strategic patience should continue to be the choice. The outcome of the wars of the major powers depends on a dual struggle between military power based on the combined strength of the state and the will of the nation based on its people. Just as military power alone is not enough to win a war, so is the support of the people. There is insufficient will on the part of the state, and there is no hope of winning a war. There is not enough military strength, nor is there any certainty that we will win. We must be fully prepared for both, and our victory will not only be assured, but even “unwary and submissive”. In short, rather than conjecturing and judging whether the United States is involved in a united war in China by force, it is better to be prepared to deal with it. The basis for a war victory must be in its own hands, not in others’. Xu Blade, Director of Personnel, Shanghai City School of Socialism Source: Chinese Review, March 2022. Question of Taiwan Entitled: admin Poster: Ideas of Love (http://www.aisixiang.com), column: Academies of Heaven > > Political Science > Taiwan Research Topic > Taiwan Politics Link to this paper: http://www.aisixiang.com/data/135812.html Enter an e-mail address in the box, separated by a semi-accompanied comma (,) between multiple emails.

Note: This is a translated version of the Chinese news media article. A mature and nuanced reading is suggested.

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2022-10-05: Illustrating: This is a self-ordered book, Parallel and Competing: China’s Governance in a Two-Cooper Age, in which the author argues that “American-style globalization” has come to an end, and that parallel times have come at a time when the face of the next 30 years depends on a balanced…  

Peace

2022-10-05: [SPEAKING IN JAPANESE] At the United Nations Headquarters building, a ceremonial instrument made of the Xinhai-Blue process stood up. This is China's gift of “peace” to mark the seventieth anniversary of the United Nations. It is based on China's red tone, with its top dragons as a symbol of…

Why are the red capitalists who "learned Western capitalism" highly valued by the former US Secretary of State? - The Land of Nothing

2022-10-05: In 1979, more than half a year after the opening of the Shenzhen Special Economic Zone, China was poor and in need of its capital, in the present words: That is the need for external financing and external debt. But the idea is far too advanced for China, which is still planning an economy.…  

Zao Cai 丨 Haikou implemented temporary global static management from 7:00 to 22:00 today; "OPEC+" decided to reduce oil production, and Biden was in a hurry; Haitian Flavor Industry responded to the "double standard" storm of additives again

2022-10-06: NBD Editor Hu Ling Zhang Hee-wei Ho No.1 On 5 October, the entrance examination for 2023 was officially opened, and from 5 to 25 October, according to the National Master's Programme Regulations for the Administration of Post-graduate Admissions, 2023, candidates could register for the…  

Zao Cai 丨 Haikou implemented temporary global static management from 7:00 to 22:00 today; Haitian Flavor Industry responded to the "double standard" storm of additives again; "OPEC+" decided to reduce oil production, and Biden was anxious; Zelensky spoke out and asked Russia pay war reparations

2022-10-06: NBD Editor No.1 On 5 October, the entrance examination for 2023 was officially opened, and from 5 to 25 October, according to the National Master's Programme Regulations for the Administration of Post-graduate Admissions, 2023, candidates could register for the examination on the Internet at…

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2022-10-05: It was only in 1838 that the United Kingdom imposed a ban on slavery, thus putting an end to slavery, and it was clear that the British serfdom ended later than slavery. The most important feature of the feudal system is the hereditary system, which shows that the feudal system still exists as…  

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The story of Chairman Mao and the national gift, personally planned the "porcelain plate diplomacy" presented to Stalin, Nixon's visit to China brought a heavy gift list - a land of nowhere

2022-10-05: Since the establishment of the People's Republic of China, the gifts received by President Mao in his international dealings have been colourful and perceptive. They are historical evidence of the great events of the new Chinese diplomacy. Some are valuable, others are polite, they are a vivid…  

Zhai Dongsheng: Parallel times are coming, how can China take the initiative to "de-Americanize"?

2022-10-05: Illustrating: This is a self-ordered book, Parallel and Competing: China’s Governance in a Two-Cooper Age, in which the author argues that “American-style globalization” has come to an end, and that parallel times have come at a time when the face of the next 30 years depends on a balanced…  

Peace

2022-10-05: [SPEAKING IN JAPANESE] At the United Nations Headquarters building, a ceremonial instrument made of the Xinhai-Blue process stood up. This is China's gift of “peace” to mark the seventieth anniversary of the United Nations. It is based on China's red tone, with its top dragons as a symbol of…

Why are the red capitalists who "learned Western capitalism" highly valued by the former US Secretary of State? - The Land of Nothing

2022-10-05: In 1979, more than half a year after the opening of the Shenzhen Special Economic Zone, China was poor and in need of its capital, in the present words: That is the need for external financing and external debt. But the idea is far too advanced for China, which is still planning an economy.…  

Zao Cai 丨 Haikou implemented temporary global static management from 7:00 to 22:00 today; "OPEC+" decided to reduce oil production, and Biden was in a hurry; Haitian Flavor Industry responded to the "double standard" storm of additives again

2022-10-06: NBD Editor Hu Ling Zhang Hee-wei Ho No.1 On 5 October, the entrance examination for 2023 was officially opened, and from 5 to 25 October, according to the National Master's Programme Regulations for the Administration of Post-graduate Admissions, 2023, candidates could register for the…  

Zao Cai 丨 Haikou implemented temporary global static management from 7:00 to 22:00 today; Haitian Flavor Industry responded to the "double standard" storm of additives again; "OPEC+" decided to reduce oil production, and Biden was anxious; Zelensky spoke out and asked Russia pay war reparations

2022-10-06: NBD Editor No.1 On 5 October, the entrance examination for 2023 was officially opened, and from 5 to 25 October, according to the National Master's Programme Regulations for the Administration of Post-graduate Admissions, 2023, candidates could register for the examination on the Internet at…