Why was Hu Yaobang forced to resign under the persecution of Deng Xiaoping and others? (Photo) Student movement

Why was Hu Yaobang forced to resign under the persecution of Deng Xiaoping and others? (Photo) Student movement https://whatchinareads.com/article/?uid=711de4e2f35e11ec9896c7030b3aab5e

2022-06-24: [Article Link]  At the beginning of 1987, Hu Yi Bong was forced to resign under pressure from Deng Xiaoping and the Seniors Group. At the end of 1986, China’s Great Landwind cloud surged. A school wave triggered a huge shock within the Communist Party, and conservative forces within the Party, backed by Deng Xiaoping, took the opportunity to “combine the struggle against bourgeois liberalization” and the Central Secretary of the Communist Party, Hu Yiu Bong, was forced to resign. The cloud of time against “liberalization” looms all over the country. How did this change happen? Why did Deng Xiaoping support “anti-liberalization” at this time? An analysis of Deng Xiaoping's line of thought around the 1980s shows that Deng Xiaoping has always advocated both hands, “both hands hard.” The so-called Deng Xiaoping theory, to sum up, is just two words: adherence to the four basic principles and adherence to reform and openness. This basic idea has been laid down since the very moment Deng Xiaoping delivered his speech on " Adherence to the Four Fundamental Principles " at the theoretical retreat in March 1979. According to Deng Xiaoping, four basic principles are the old Mao Zedong, not his new thing. Only reform and openness is his new thing, his flag. There are two political bottom lines in Deng Xiaoping: one is to uphold four basic principles, the core of which is to emphasize party leadership; and the other is to insist on reform and openness, which he needs to save the party and save the country. The lessons of the Cultural Revolution have shown that the old concepts of leadership, the way it is led and the way it is led can no longer be sustained and can only lead China to disaster once again. Reform is Deng Xiaoping’s only option, and it is the party’s only option. That is precisely what he proposed for reform of the economy and of the political system. The purpose of the reform is not to fundamentally deny the system and the leadership of the Communist Party of China, but to improve the system, improve party leadership and improve it, but to strengthen party leadership. To this end, he has repeatedly stressed that reform “is the self-improvement of the socialist system”, which is an improvement of the economic and political system under the leadership of the party and within the framework of the previous system. That is why, whenever Deng Xiaoping feels that reform and opening-up threatens the party's leadership, he speaks out against the liberalization of the bourgeois; whenever he thinks that reform and opening is an obstacle, he speaks out and says, “No reform is a dead end”. Deng Xiaoping has repeatedly stressed that the most fundamental of the four basic principles is to insist on the leadership of the Communist Party of China. Whoever deviates from, opposes, or attempts to change the centralized political system of the Communist Party will not tolerate Deng Xiaoping by any means of pressure. Hu Yiang's leadership, which threatens the very system of the country, will not hesitate to take him out of office, even though Hu Yiang is their political benefactor and central secretary-general of the Communist Party, but if Deng Xiaoping and the Senior Citizens' Group find out that the policies implemented by Hu Yiang will destabilize the party, they will surely force him to do so, as also demonstrated by the removal of Zhao Yiyang a few years later. During the second half of 1986, Deng Xiaoping repeated his talks on the reform of the political system, the country's intense political reform research and the proliferation of propaganda for political change in a relaxed political environment have greatly stimulated political enthusiasm among the intellectual community and young students. They espouse political reform, support the development of democracy, and hope to push this reform forward with their own practical actions. The year 1986 was China’s first-level election year – a year of re-election of grass-roots district residents to elect a new representative of the Great People’s Congress – and many students called for free elections and presented themselves for election. But many of the restrictions in the elections, and some of the practices that are fundamentally contrary to the principle of universal suffrage, gave rise to great discontent and indignation. In early December, the school boom began to break out from Anhui and soon spread to the big cities of Shanghai, Hangzhou, Nanjing, Chengdu, Xian, Tianjin, Changsha, etc. At the end of December, a large-scale student march broke out in Beijing, during which the slogans of students everywhere focused on the development of social democracy, the safeguarding of human and civil rights, and the opening up of freedom of expression, among other political reforms. First, the current political and economic situation in the country is good and one of the best years since the establishment of the country, and secondly, there are problems among students, but it does not affect the overall situation. A specific analysis of the problems that arise, including poor school management, also points to problems in democratic life. Reform, improvement, but no fuss. Zhao Ziyang also made a statement at the meeting, and he felt that the good ideas put forward by the students needed to be taken into account. As the situation unfolds, China’s democracy is bound to expand, and such events are expected to occur in the future. We cannot be confined to silence, as is the case with our eastern neighbour, North Korea, which is dangerous. At the meeting, Zhao Yiyang also provided information on the process of reforming the political system that had been initiated. At the meeting, Vanli, then a member of the Central Political Bureau of the Communist Party and Deputy Prime Minister of the State Council, also said that democracy was a worldwide trend. Taiwan also opened the party ban and lifted the martial law. The development of democracy in the Philippines and South Korea will also have an impact on the country, which will require our considerable competence, which we really lack. How to engage in dialogue with society is a very important issue, and Gorbachev speaks of openness and we want to engage in dialogue with society. First, don't make a big mess; second, don't hope there's no such thing; and third, learn to talk to society. (See the Fourth Part of the Mid-South China Journal, sect. XV above.) After mid-December, the tide did not subside as hoped by the Central Registry, but rather continued to spread. On the afternoon of 24 December, a joint meeting of the Committees of the three branches of the Central Government (the Central Communist Party, the Central State and the Central Military Commission) was held to inform them of “student unrest.” During the meeting, the Deputy Director of the National Board of Education, Ho Dongchang, described the process and scale of the learning boom and said that the student incident was characterized by articles based on democratic freedom and anti-bureaucraticism; by a combination of links; and by the emergence of a few unconstitutional slogans. He stressed, inter alia, that “this year was the first direct attack on Comrade Deng Xiaoping.” At that meeting, Hu Qinli conveyed the view that the central registry had met on the morning of 22 December to study the issue of the tide of science, stating that its basic estimate of the situation was that there would be no major disturbances. The troubles are just a few liberals, a few leftovers of the “Four Gang.” There is no basis for unrest now, and the centre is united in the first place. In the face of a growing wave of learning in society, both Baldwin and researchers, who are presiding over the Central Office for the Reform of Government, are concerned that this may lead to a change in the situation, particularly in the political landscape at the senior level, which could affect the ongoing work on the reform of the political system. On the afternoon of 26 December, a plenary session of the Central Office began its internal discussions on the issue of the tide. The discussions were chaired by Paul and continued until the next morning. There was a general consensus that the role of individual bad people in the school boom should not be over-emphasized, that the issue was over-publicized, that it would be offensive to students and that some questions about political change should not be wiped out because students were asking questions in the wrong way. There are a number of issues in the reform that have not been rationalized, the basic objectives have not been resolved, and students are anxious to understand that they should not be reduced entirely to bad people and to bourgeois liberalization; rather, they should not view the school boom as an anomaly; the Communist Party is the starting point of the student movement and should not be afraid of the student movement. But it is important to see that they do not understand the situation and are eager to achieve it. It is important to look at what needs to be considered, rational, and assert our confidence in reform. A social transformation of this magnitude, which has given rise to a certain social shock, is inevitable, and we should capture the banner of democratic freedom and make it clear as a gradual process. This meeting was organized and reported to Zhao Yiyang and the Central Policy and Reform Panel. However, this effort by the authors of the programme is doomed to failure. The further development of the school boom has exacerbated the dissatisfaction of some of the party's elders and “theorists” with the Hoyo State, which they believe is soft for students, over the day-to-day conduct of their work in the centre. On 27 December, Deng Xiaoping was joined by seven people from Dun Li, Wang Chiu, Hu Chomu, Peng Jin, Bo, Yu Xiaoli and Yang Sang-kun, who analysed the seriousness and dangers of the school tide and agreed that it was the result of the appeasement and incompetence of Hu Yi Bang. Deng Xiaoping and the Old People’s Group have a long history of distrust of Hu Yi Bang. In an interview with Yang Ziyang in 1996, he said that he believed that the root causes of Deng’s determination to get out of power were two main issues: first, the lack of commitment of Hu Yiang to the liberalization; and second, Hu Yiang’s conversation with the editor-in-chief of Hong Kong’s People’s magazine (see Yang’s revised version of China’s Political Struggle for the Reform Year, p. 283). The first question, Deng Xiaoping, argues, is that, over the years, Hu Yiang has been condoning those who are involved in the liberalization of the bourgeois class. China’s liberalization is bound to be inexcusable if the old people are not there in the future, and Hu Yiang is leading the work. He had told Hu Qi Li and Chai-suk twice that he was too weak to deal with some, saying that “an attitude to liberalization that leaves it so weak is a fundamental weakness in his capacity as Secretary-General. “There are people out there who say that Yiu Bong is an enlightened faction within the Party, with his flag against us.” “Yai Bong does not speak anti-liberalism, why not? The second is a conversation between Hu Yiang and the editor-in-chief of Hong Kong's People's magazine in May 1985, about which Deng took a keen interest. The interview lasted two hours, when Lu Xi returned and published a 20,000-word " Huyo State Visitory ", commending Hu Yiang and criticizing conservative forces, thus provoking a wave of violence at the central high level. Deng Xiaoping said to Yang Sang-kun, "Liao Lu is against us under the guise of flattering Yiu Bong!" Since then, Deng Xiaoping’s attitude towards Hu Yiu Bong has changed considerably, and he wants to change it. (See Yang’s revised version of China’s Political Struggle for the Reform Year, pp. 283–286) Of course, there is another argument in the court saying that the immediate reason why Hu Yiang fell is that he agreed to Deng Xiaoping’s retirement after the 13th birthday. But Zhao, believing that Hu Yiyang’s resignation was irrelevant to Deng’s retirement, said he in an interview with Yang Jilin: “This is not the root cause of Xiaoping’s resignation. He's not so narrow, he's still great." I think there's a point in saying, "Dun's not so narrow," and not all the other old people are so great. By agreeing to Deng Xiaoping's retirement, Hu Yi Bong offended almost all members of the party, because once Deng Xiaoping had retired, all the elderly would inevitably have to do so. The elderly have just recovered and returned to work for a few years, and their butts are not yet hot, and they cannot retire Deng Xiaoping from defending their interests. Deng Xiaoping and the Seniors Group took account of the fact that the 13th Hu “natural” retreated and made a smooth transition. But the emergence and development of the learning boom gave them an opportunity to “advancedly resolve the Hoyo State problem”. On 30 December, Deng Xiaoping called in his home to talk to Hu Yi Bong, Zhao Yiyang, Wan Ri, Hu Qi Li, Li Peng, Ho Dong Chang, etc. He said: “Where there can be trouble, it is because there is a lack of clarity and determination on the part of the leadership. It is also not a question of two places, nor of two years in a year, but of years of lack of clarity and determination on the part of ideas against the liberalization of the bourgeois class. “It should be said that from the central to the local level, there is weakness, loss of position on the ideological front, a liberal attitude towards the liberalization of the bourgeois, lack of support for the good, and the bad. “These people are so mad that the legend is that there is a protection layer in the center of the party.” This is actually an unnamed approval of Hoyobang. Deng Xiaoping also made a major comment on the reform of the political system in particular, saying that we speak of democracy, not bourgeois democracy, and not the separation of powers. Anti-constellation liberalization will take 20 years. Democracy can only develop gradually, not in the West, but in the West. This statement by Deng Xiaoping to the reform of the political system, which is, on the face of it, a school of thought, is all his constant thinking, cannot be said without warning at this point in time. Indeed, he is also warning Zhao Ziyang, who is presiding over the political reform process. (For the above two paragraphs, see Deng Xiaoping, vol. III, p. 194-1195.) After being severely accused by Deng Xiaoping of “impertinent anti-liberalization”, Hu Yi Bang “thinks that the tide of learning will be suppressed, that a large number of intellectuals and good cadres will be held back and that he will be unable to sleep all night” (Hu Yiang Ideas, op. cit., p. 1298). After much reflection, on 2 January 1987 a letter was sent to Deng Xiaoping proposing to resign from the post of General Secretary on the subject of " Encounter with Comrade Xiaoping ". On 4th, Deng Xiaoping convened a “Committee meeting of the Central Political Bureau” at his home and decided to remove Hu Yiang, who was not invited to participate. On 6 June, Deng Xiaoping spoke with Hu Yiu Bong. Deng Xiaoping proposed a “party life conference to address the issue of Ho Yeo” to criticize Hu’s mistakes and to make him self-critical at this meeting. From 10 to 15 January, the “Life Club”, chaired by Bo, was held at the Huai Jin Hall in the South Central China Sea, where the Tang Li Qun made a lengthy statement, focusing on the so-called “six-point mistake” in Hu Yia State, and in particular on the “anti-left and non-right” issue. Hu Yiang made a statement under the title " My Review ".16 On 16 June, the Central Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China held an expanded meeting in which it was decided to accept Hu Yiang's resignation from the post of General Secretary and to elect Zhao Yiyang's Acting General Secretary. According to a conference communiqué broadcasted on Central Television that evening, Huyo State “been acting as the party's central secretary-general, in violation of the party's principle of collective leadership, there was a failure in important political principles”. In January 1987, a campaign “against the liberalization of the bourgeois class” quickly engulfed the country with the fall of the central arrows of Hu Yiang. Reforms, particularly in the political sector, were followed by a particularly cold winter. Responsibility Editor (Responsible Editor): Zhang Yunfeng This paper has a short address: all copyrights, any form of reproduction is subject to permission from China, and it is forbidden to create mirror sites. The stream of [honored members] can come together into the sea, and Son can make love. 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