Zhang Yaguang and Bi Yue: The Dual Roles and Missions of the Early Practice of Marxist Economics in China
2022-08-08: [Article Link] Marxist Economics China
During the founding phase of the Communist Party of China and the period of the Great Revolution, the party's early leaders built on the contemporary state of affairs in the Middle and Middle Ages, and based on the news media as a platform for dissemination, carried out the early practice of Marxist economics in China. This practice has two distinct features: the “double role” of the personal and leadership and theorists of the Communist Party of China, which has shortened the cycle of transformation between Marxist economic theory and revolutionary practice; and the conscious assumption by the Communists of their dual mission of nurturing elites and enlightening the general public, which has opened up a new path, a new frontier, between the dissemination of Marxist economics and the transformation of China. These qualities have had a profound impact on China's path to revolution and development and have provided a valuable historical mirror for advancing Marxist economics in China in the context of the new era. Conscience of Marxist economics journals and newssteppers of the Communist Party of China economic thought of the Communist Party of China
Marxist economics says that its spread in China dates from the late nineteenth century to the beginning of the twentieth century and entered a new phase after the Russian revolution in October; however, the Chinaization of Marxist economics is destined to be closely linked to the major transformations in China's recent economic structure and ideological culture, to the dual and contemporary task of national salvation and enlightenment, and to the practice of democratic revolutions and socialist construction led by the Communist Party of China, with broad participation of all classes of society. On the one hand, the examination of the early stages of the exploration of the Chinaization of Marxist economics was a theoretical retrospective, i.e., a compilation of the process of developing Marxist economics basic methods, paths and rules of Chinaization that would provide historical lessons for its practice of better serving the reform and development of the new era; and, on the other hand, an in-depth understanding of how the Communist Party of China had consciously combined Marxist fundamentals with the actual reality of the Chinese revolution during its founding period, and achieved its own development and maturity in its historic mission of national independence. In recent times, the press has been an important platform for the dissemination of ideas and enlightenment among advanced intellectuals, as well as an enrichment of the Chinese intellectual community for the absorption and transformation of foreign cultural achievements. Since the beginning of the new cultural movement, the progressive press, represented by " New Youth ", has been the main communications position of the early Marxists, a tradition that has continued through the creation and development of the party. According to incomplete statistics, for almost three decades, 1920-1949, there were no fewer than 4,500 newspapers founded by party organizations at all levels and by individuals and groups under their leadership. In addition, the press, as a form of communication, has an irreplaceable value for research: newspaper articles are more popular than policy papers, papers and correspondence. They include a number of systematic, thought-provoking theoretical articles, as well as time review articles closely following current events, close to real-life claims, and a large number of short, sophisticated, popular and easy-to-understand Coptic articles, which are showing the basic orientation of Marxist Chinaization, epochization and popularization. The study of the party newspaper and Marxist economics in the early stages of China’s Chinaization, which is already available in the academic world, is found in the history of the party, the history of news, and the history of Marxist economic thinking. From party history studies, there are macro-level studies of party propaganda strategies and content at various times, such as Wang Xiaojun's " History of the Chinese Communist Party Press Release ", Zhou Qiang's " Intra-Party Debate and Marxist Chinaization ", etc., and representative party figures' case studies of Marxism's exploration and propaganda for Chinaization, such as Zhou's " Mausedong and Marxism Chinaization Study ", Zhang Xiao Fei's " Zhou's Study of the Theory and Practice of Marxist Chinaization ". The above-mentioned study focuses on the theoretical self-perception of the Communist Party of China in the process of dissemination and absorption of Marxistism, as well as the subjective sense of using Marxist theory to guide China's practice. According to the history of journalism, the various newspapers and newspapers created by the Communist Party of China are an important expression and result of the dynamic development of the news industry in recent times, and the theory of the dissemination of information by its founders has become an important intellectual crystallization in the history of the development of the news industry in China. For example, Fanhanzi's General History of Chinese Journalism conducted a vertical panorama scan of the early Chinese Communist Party newspapers and described the Party's ideas and practices in the press in different historical periods; the 4-dollar Pre-Nation Chinese Communist Party Journal Study provided a comprehensive overview of the party's various and representative newspapers from the beginning of its existence to the time of the formation of the new China, discussing their creation, content, development and historical impact. Such research focuses on the use of journalistic theory and methodology to generalize party advocacy practices and key achievements, and does not focus on research on a certain side of advocacy, such as Marxist economics. From the study of the history of Marxist economic thinking, three decades before the creation of the Five-Four Movement to the New China were a crucial stage in the Marxist Economics doctrine of dissemination and enlightenment in China, and in recent years it has also received increased attention from the academic community, such as the publication, circulation and reading of Marxist writings in China (1927-1937) by Zhang, and the Centennial Pride of Chinaization of Marxist Political Economics by Gu Hailian. The above-mentioned study focuses on the entire evolutionary chain and macroscopic picture of the Chinaization of Marxist political economics, rather than focusing on the exploration of particular groups, organizations or platforms. This paper proposes to deepen and expand on the early exploration of Marxist economics in the face of China: first, on research materials, based on the main newspaper (1919-1927) created by the Communist Party of China and its early organizations,7 breaking through the bottlenecks of generalization, focusing on text content analysis, carving out the details of Marxism's application, transformation and innovation process in China; second, on research content, focusing on Marxist economics, highlighting the historical contribution of the Communist Party to the structure of the recent Chinese economy, the restructuring of the socio-economic order and the search for the path of modern development, guided by that doctrine; and third, on research methods, exploring the characteristics of Marxist economics in terms of roles and missions, exploring the general patterns and experiences of the process and contributing historical wisdom to the innovative development of Marxist economics in the new era. II. The context of Marxist economics in the era of China’s early exploration
The exploration of Marxist economics for China by the party's early leaders was rooted in the unique historical context of recent times in China. In 1922, Li Han Joon wrote the following: “China’s bottom chaos is due to the intense reconciliation that has taken place because China’s level of evolution is too inconsistent among parts of society; China is too far away from the world’s bottom evolution; and the battle between the world’s bottom capital class and China’s bottom capital class in China’s market; and that chaos is a manifestation of China’s rapid evolution. This points to the internal and external problems of China's recent society. It provides the first thought material for the two parties in a few months' time to formulate the party's highest and minimum agenda. It also points to the problems of China's recent transformation process, both in terms of absolute levels and balance, and even implies the belief in the struggle to create problems in evolution and to resolve them in evolution. (i) Exodus: non-independent, non-autonomous development
Against the backdrop of growing Western aggression, the party’s early leaders rightly recognized and revealed from the outset the essential characteristics of imperialism. Not only did they see the existence of the two main roots of capitalism – “anarchical and predatory” – which led to free competition within it – to a violent struggle, but also that imperialism was a necessary stage in capitalism’s development, and its important feature was the expansion of foreign aggression. (11) These correct assertions have enabled them to stand at the height of Marxist world history, to place China in the overall context and throughout the development of world capitalism and to recognize the future of the Chinese revolution and its links to it. In an effort to raise awareness and awaken the population at large about imperialism, Autumnbek and Xiaochu, among others, have written in the press on several occasions detailing the various forms of imperialist aggression. According to Chenqibai, the imperialist aggression against colonies and semi-colonials is divided into four main steps, namely, the imposition of markets, monopolization of raw materials, transplant capital and cultural aggression. The strategy, in particular where, depends on the level of capitalist development of the home country and the overall economic situation in the world. (12) Shaw’s presentation of the forms and steps of imperialist aggression is somewhat later than in the former, but the conclusions are largely the same. (13) They share the view that the current imperialist aggression in China, which has reached the stage of capital transplantation, has taken the form of “making Chinese civilians blind to the fact that they are enemies or friends”; and that China's “international colonies” have been allowed to survive, simply because “no imperialist nation is the first to be defeated, but to be held hostage to each other”. The party's early leaders pointed out that if open aggression, in the form of the looting of raw materials and the division of markets, were easy to detect, hidden aggression in the form of “moderate diplomacy”, such as the transplantation of capital, the promotion of joint business in China and the signing of unequal treaties, would be particularly damaging. First, it created a serious imbalance in China’s export-import trade structure, threatening the stability of China’s fiscal and financial order. In 1924, Kim Dae-young wrote in Vanguard that China’s annual external debt burden was around 100 million yuan, while customs excesses alone amounted to more than 500 million yuan, and that, in the long run, it would put an incalculable strain on government finances. (15) Second, China’s heavily dependent, non-independent development has resulted in the stifling of the long-term development potential of national capitalism. Chenqibai argues that the recent development of Chinese capitalism is entirely “adapted to foreign imperialism rather than to China’s economic life,” so that transport capital takes precedence over industrial capital development. (16) Such industrial distortions or the possibility of correcting them, but the loss of customs autonomy has made the rise of national capitalism almost hopeless. “The Chinese government promised to cancel the ban on cotton exports in order to maintain the Chinese veil, as China’s producers had previously requested, but the government of China immediately promised to lift the ban by sending a letter to the government mission of Beijing stating that the ban was contrary to the Treaty. Once again, China’s economic autonomy has been plundered, thereby greatly reducing the likelihood of a Chinese revolution’s success. The unequal treaties that have been signed since late in the morning have left many revolutionaries in a state of weakness, “only anger, only bitterness, and the folly of some countries like the United Kingdom and the United States, and the way in which we are being attacked,” (18) Even many asset classes have fallen back on the revolution under the cover of bureaucrat capitalists. In this grave situation, the early members of the party not only continue to theoretically expose and denounce the evils of imperial aggression, but also contribute directly to the call for the entire nation to join in the struggle against the Revolution. In the case of the revolutionary government, they called for the repeal of all old treaties signed during the late-cleansing period, “not only to recover the surplus, but to recover the whole of the customs duties; not only to recover the whole of the customs duties, but also to recover the sovereignty of the prescribed taxes, and to keep and dispose of the sovereign tax”; (19) in the case of the national capitalists, they warned that the independence of the nation was a prerequisite for the revitalization of a real business, and that “China's cause would not exist if there was no independent government that would win absolute sovereignty over the incoming and outgoing goods in order to guarantee his development”; and (20) in the case of ordinary people, they mobilized the general public from the point of view of the actual burden of external debt and customs to participate in anti-imperialist actions. In the form of the struggle, the Communist Party of China firmly opted for an armed struggle. Although the rise of several arrival movements in the 1920s gave the early Communist Chinese people hope, even once, that the burden of fighting imperial forces had been placed on the popular counter-de-de-de-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-de-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-de-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-es-sssssssss-s-sss-ss-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s. The early analysis by the Communist Party of the forms and hazards of imperial aggression not only scientifically applied Marxist economics, but also fully integrated the particular situation of capitalist development and class formation in recent times in China, providing rich practical arguments for its imperialist doctrine and providing the intellectual basis for the choice of the path of later revolutions and the establishment of a united front. (ii) Internal concern: uneven and inadequate development
In recent years, China has accumulated a fragile historical environment that has given rise to a life-saving force, represented by the inter-Americans, the Veterans and the Revolutionarys, who, while calling out slogans to save the nation's lives, have gone on a very different path of development due to fundamental differences in class interests and objectives. The founder of the Communist Party of China, who accepted the Marxist economic theory, used an historical approach that analysed from a global perspective the causes of the controversy in the Chinese ideological community. In 1920, Li Dae-jung wrote in "New Youth" explaining clearly the historical inevitability of new ideas instead of old ideas: "The change in Chinese thinking is a sign of the breakdown of the family system. “If you can't help the new economic forces, you can only listen to the freeness of the new ideas that have emerged in response to the new state of the economy and the new demands of society and that have not been created by a few young people. In his view, there were three main types of thinking in China – Eastern cultural, scientific, and materialist – that represented the ideas of the feudal, industrial bourgeois, and industrially unproductive classes, the latter of which were scientific and could be united against feudal ideas. (24) The above-mentioned assertion about China's ideological community is not only indicative of the use of materialistic historical perspectives to analyse real-world issues, but also represents the initial judgement of the party's early leaders on China's path to modern-day development and its leadership class. However, this judgement was not made overnight. Prior to the creation of the Chinese Communist Party, many economists and sociologists who accepted Western theories had identified China’s chronic weakness as a human paradox, arguing to limit population growth. In 1920, " New Youth " devoted a special section to nine articles addressing population issues, two of which truly identified the problem. In his view, the problem of poverty in China at that time lay not only in the general situation, but also in the unequal distribution of “military politicians who received tens of thousands of yuan a month on one side, and drivers who received $6.7 a month on the other... China's poverty was much smaller than that of the population and greater political and economic relations”. (25) The second is Chen’s unique “Marcesian population theory and China’s demographic problem”, in which he made it clear that China’s demographic problems could be solved not only by the restrictive demographics of Margis, but also by the fact that “there are too many people not producing and consuming, and the population appears to have grown above the means of living”. Since then, the party's early members have deepened their knowledge of urban and rural areas throughout the country and conducted an in-depth analysis of the state of development and the causes of recent China, taking into account statistics from government agencies such as the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce and the Ministry of Labour and Industry. They have found that China’s development is uneven and inadequate in both urban and rural areas. In cities, many of the emerging national capitalist industries are nearly bankrupt under the double squeeze of imperial and bureaucratic capital. (27) The situation of the urban proletarian class is all the more bleak, with Deng Chungxia describing Chinese workers as “average wages are not more than a few cents, `not enough to hold back, not enough animals' for the rest of their lives”. (28) In 1920, the Communist groups in Beijing, Shanghai and other places, respectively, launched newspapers such as the Labour Voice, the Work World, which contained a large number of current affairs stories and literatures reflecting the material life of workers and their voices. In rural areas, it goes without saying that even subsistence farmers are “very hard” to live in, and are subjected to harsh and exploitation by the forces of warlords. (29) In 1925, China Youth published 11 long pages covering the investigation of the real living burdens of various groups in society, such as farmers, workers and traders, as well as the sources of these burdens, namely, imperialism and the crushing of bureaucratic capital. The editor wrote in his article: “They say that the imperialists did not oppress China, that China's poverty should be blamed on itself and not on imperialism; they say that China has no capitalist and that China's rural workers are not poor. Let them create a lesson!” (these materials) is enough to make us feel that there is a compelling reason for China to be revolutionized. The Chinese Communist Party's awareness of the external problems of China's recent society has deepened as the situation has deepened and gradually consolidated its anti-imperialist revolutionary agenda, setting out the prospects and objectives of the Chinese revolution. Their deep-seated, research-oriented spirit and practical experience have also paved the way for a follow-up and comprehensive analysis of the situation of the various classes of Chinese society and the search for a revolutionary path that is in line with China's national circumstances. III. The dual role of leaders and theorists
It has been argued that the evolution of Marxist economics in China has been divided into politicized paths, dominated by party organizations and leaders, and academic paths, dominated by party theorists and a wide range of economic scholars. (31) After the failure of the Great Revolution, for example, the leaders of the party, represented by Mao Zedong, and the left-wing economic scholars, represented by “Rural China”, explored, respectively, the social nature of China and the path of the revolution, facilitating a deeper integration of Marxist economics with Chinese practice. However, in the party's early exploratory practice, these two paths were difficult to separate, i.e., the early Communist Party of China (CPC)s often played a dual role as “leaders” and “theorists”. In terms of time sequence, the Chinese Communist Party’s “theoreticists” were relatively colored before and after the party’s creation. Not only did they systematically present Marxist economics in the form of lengthy, multi-issue serial articles, but they also tried to put forward theories about China’s modern-day ways and objectives. For example, Chen Dae Ying had envisaged a detailed rural business plan that would start with low-capital industries such as livestock, silk, etc., and promote mutual rural and urban economics, while at the same time achieving revolutionary self-sufficiency. (32) In the context of the revitalization of urban business, some members of the party would like to advocate, by working to save the country, “actively defeating all the obstacles to the development of the domestic industry in order to achieve economic self-help”. (33) However, the rapid failure of the above-mentioned blueprints has also served as an important opportunity for the early transformation of the role of the Communist Party of China. They have come to realize that “aside from the revolutionary path of destruction and construction (revolution), it is absolutely impossible to improve a part of the material life or to secure a guarantee for one's own life”; (34) For the Marxist economics exploration path of China, it is simply not possible to introduce classic theories or to construct an idealized picture. In this context, the Chinese Communist Party assumed the dual roles of “leaders” and “theorists” and promoted the politicization of Marxist economics and the intersection of academic paths. On the one hand, the practical experience as a leader has provided rich material for theoretical innovation. For example, the “Master of Agriculture” Peng-jung was one of the first members of the party to focus on and launch farmers’ movements. Since 1922, he has been personally involved in the Guangdong farmers'movement and has successfully applied Marxist theory of guiding farmers'movements by launching farming associations, drafting declarations and leading farmers in economic struggles. In 1924-1925, Peng Yi wrote a report, the Haifong Farmers'Movement, detailing the distribution of land in Haifung, the composition of class and the reasons for the exploitation of farmers, in which awareness of the issues of farmers and the land revolution has become highly rational and systematic. The report was published in four editions in 1926 in China Farmers, which generated strong reactions, and then published a single book, which became “one of the best textbooks to guide farmers' movements”. On the other hand, research as a theorist also provides guidance for leading new practices. One of the most important theoretical outcomes of the early exploration of the Chinaization of Marxist economics is an analysis of Chinese society, especially the various classes in rural society. In 1923, Chen Il-Su analysed in detail the class composition of China's rural society on the basis of statistics from the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce, dividing the rural population into three categories, five classes and ten classes. (36) Deng Chungxia highly affirmed the practical value of the article, stating that “in China, where statistics have never been valued, it is very difficult to solve such big problems” and that it is “examining and accurate to analyse the situation of farmers in China”. (37) Mao, in 1925, wrote an article entitled “Analysis of the various classes of Chinese society,” further deepened the party’s understanding of the issue. Compared to Chen’s report, the article extended the scope of the study to the whole of Chinese society, classizing landlords and buying classes, and adding the “vagrant” class, thereby evoking the above-mentioned class’s identity and revolutionary stance. The publication of the results of the above-mentioned ideas provided a correct answer to a number of important questions, including the subject, the dynamics and the future of the Chinese revolution, for which the Communist Party of China has independently led the revolutionary struggle and united all forces that might unite. The dual role orientation of early Chinese Communists has had a two-fold impact on Marxist economics’ quest for Chinaization. On the one hand, it undoubtedly reflects a contradiction between the reality of the Communist Party’s desire to transform China with sophisticated intellectual weapons and the gradualness of Marxism’s inflow and understanding. Liu Shaoqi, in reply to Sun Mel's letter in 1941, said: “The Chinese party has a great weakness, which is that the party's intellectual readiness and theoretical upbringing are not enough. ) And one of the first members to assume the important role of Marxist Chineseism, Xiaoqiaobai, was more frank when he understood Marxist theory as “mostly from occasional papers in newspaper magazines and several booklets in Lenin”, while Capitalism was “never read at all, and I am not interested in economics in particular”. But more important, on the other hand, this quality objectively shortens the cycle of interaction between Marxist economic theory and practice and accelerates the process of Chineseization in practice. As Mao said: “There is no Marxism in the abstract, there is only Marxism in particular. The so-called Marxism, through the ethnic form of Marxism, is the application of Marxism in the specific struggle of China’s specific environment, not in the abstract. As the first Marxists, the early Communists of China, while receiving guidance from communists and Russia, still lacked sufficient practical experience and blueprints to draw on in China's unique time and space environment. This has forced it to continue to learn lessons from its own leadership of the industrial and agricultural movement and to complete the early exploration of Marxist economics and Chinaization, while the instantaneous and widespread nature of newspaper articles has provided a good environment for the dissemination and theoreticalization of these exploratory experiences. This dual role also suggests that the Communist Party of China has acquired considerable theoretical and operational self-consciousness in its early exploration process, accurately grasping the dual meaning of Marxist economics, “Chinaization” and “Chinaization”, (41) which, from the very beginning, circumvented the path of “Theory of Shuzai” and, on the basis of the fundamental task of recognizing and transforming China, opened a vast journey along with China's recent and revolutionary practices. IV. The dual mission of nurturing the elite and enlightening the public
The party’s early press focused on targeting target groups and targeted advocacy based on their level of awareness and actual needs, which is essentially a manifestation of the party’s dual mission in the early exploration process, which is to nurture elites and enlightenment. The early Communist Party of China (CPC) had realized that the simultaneous development of an elite group with the ability to guide and of a revolutionary public was both a sine qua non for the triumph of the democratic revolution in China and a necessary requirement for the Chineseization and popularization of Marxist economics. In the early 20’s, Marxist classics, represented by Capitalism, were translated and published successively, and many of the party’s newspapers provided a passionate and comprehensive presentation of these classics, sometimes even advertising, indicating their location and prices, and facilitating their dissemination and dissemination as much as they could. In addition, they refer in full or in large part to the writings or articles of scholars such as Buhalin, riverine and alpine, highlighting the influence and value of Marxist economics. These initiatives are clearly directed not at the large number of workers and farmers, but at the elite groups of society. As Li Qi said in the preamble to the popular capital theory, the purpose of the book is not “to replace the capitalist theory of the three volumes so that the original book can never be replaced, and he means to use it as a first step to guide many people to read the original book.” (42) For an original Marxist political party, these advocacy initiatives aim to build, first and foremost at the intellectual level, a universal acceptance and belief of Marxist economics and build up a reserve leadership for the revolution. From the history of Marxist economics in China’s practice, the party’s early press has nurtured and shaped elite groups in two ways. On the one hand, the size and reach of the Marxist camp have been significantly expanded, and the revolutionary Forces nouvelles have been nurtured. The early leaders of Mao Zedong, Chen Dae-Ying, Tsai and Sen were faithful readers of the New Young People, and Mao even “for a long time, in addition to classes, newspapers, reading books and reading the New Young People; talking about the New Young People; and thinking and thinking about the issues raised in the New Young People”. (43) Although it was not until 1920 that New Youth was transformed into an organ of the Shanghai Communist Group, its historic role in disseminating Marxism to the social elite, especially young students, is indelible. After the establishment of the Communist Party of China, many members of the party started learning Marxism even after joining the party, owing to their varying levels of education, and the party newspaper contributed significantly to the unification of ideas within the party. “Our main readings are the Communist Declaration "New Youth" magazine, and Lee Han Jun translated "Capital Words", Communist Monthly. ) As the number of party members increases, newspapers introducing Marxist economics come to light, creating a virtuous circle of elite development and platform expansion. On the other hand, the ability and level of the elite to use Marxist economics to analyse and solve real problems has been significantly improved, shortening the cycle of Chineseization exploration. An important part of the party’s early advocacy effort has been to mobilize a wide range of young people into practical research and to teach scientific methods of investigation. The party’s early newspapers, which are represented by China’s Young People’s New Young People’s Herald, among others, have published a large number of research reports on the local situation in rural areas, such as The Situation of Farmers at the Bottom of Shandong, The Situation of Farmers in Sichuan Yingjiang County, etc., and (45) (46) are of an exceptional nature. In 1925, the Young People of China also published a special “Rural Economic Situation Survey”, which provides an outline for action for young people interested in rural economic surveys, and a warm appeal to readers “to do the survey quickly, if the results of the survey can be sent to the publication of the publication”. (47) This advocacy process has not only had far-reaching effects on the elite at the time, but has shaped the lead author himself in a more subtle way. During a long field trip, theoretical research, and original reading, the party’s early leaders more thoroughly understood and applied Marxist economics saying that the general pattern and process of the Chinaization of Marxist economics had been explored. In this sense, the early exploration of Marxism’s Chinaization was also a process of growth and growth of the Communist Party of China, and the party’s newspaper’s development of the social elite was both a process of “breeding people” and a process of “breathing parties”. However, it is clear that an elite team that consciously uses the Marxist view of the world is not enough, and that there is a need to involve the population at large in the quest for Chinaization. In an effort to unite as much as possible all revolutionary forces, the party's early newspapers have broken down the reader group. For example, “China Youth”, which is aimed at young students, aims at “directing young people to activities and presenting methods of activities”; (48) “Labour Voice”, which is aimed at groups of workers and aims at “prescripting the state of the movement of the world's workers in order to promote solidarity among the country's labour compatriots”; (49) In addition, “Labour and Women”, which is aimed at groups of women, and “Women's Voice”, which is aimed at groups of farmers in China, and “Plowheads”, which are aimed at groups of farmers. Guided by Marxism's history, the Communist Party of China (CPC) began from the point of view of the structure of the economy, highlighting the critical importance of the peasant class to the revolution. The importance of the group derives not only from its position in the population structure, which was “the majority of the Chinese population at that time”, (50) “should be at least two thirds of the country's population”, and (51) more from its position in the industrial structure, where agriculture remained the foundation and core of the national economy at that time. The Communist Party of China is acutely aware that, although in recent times, with foreign aggression and the development of national capitalism, China has emerged a new form of business of some size, “the economic base of Chinese society is now recognized by anyone as agriculture. New industries are just some in and around several ports of commerce and railway mines”, (52) Thus, “agriculture is also China's main productive enterprise, and farmers are the mainstay of China's economic life”; (53) The growing bankruptcy of rural China, where “farmers are struggling to feed even their wives and children” (54) is the source and motivation for farmers to participate in the revolution. The above-mentioned discussion of the importance of farmers in the Chinese revolution has also served as a key entry point in the early exploration of the convergence of Marxist economics doctrine with Chinese practice. In order to better fulfil the task of enlightening the masses, there has been a marked change in the form and content of the Marxist economics doctrine in various newspapers. In its form, these newspapers, which are aimed at working people, do not dwell on theoretical evidence, but use more lively forms such as cartoons, novels, poetry, letters, etc., complemented by oral expressions and cases of popularization, in an effort to match the reading habits of working people and strengthen the dissemination of the theory. For example, the Labors published a novel entitled Machines, in which workers themselves lamented the exploitation of the labour force by the factory system: “Mechanics eat people! Machines eat people! My grandfather had ten brothers, a family of more than 30 young people, and a bowl of rice... since the death of a machine, I've been left alone. The three illustrations of “Our past” “Our present” “Our future” — like Plowshare — visualize the stark turn of the peasant class to resist and eventually to victory, and convey the winning belief in the revolutionary struggle. In terms of content, most of these newspapers are drawn from the real life of the working population, and they are highly concerned about the real needs of the population. The party’s early leaders have fully promoted the method of “drawing from the masses to the masses.” The reports Mao Zedong's " An example of Tenant Farm Life in China ", " Analysis of the Classes of Chinese Society ", " Analysis of the Middle Classes of Chinese Farmers and their Approach to the Revolution ", etc., were completed during this period and most of them were reprinted in newspapers, such as China Farmers, and served as an important basis for later farmers' movements. “We want to educate farmers, first let them educate us.” (57) The extensive development of practical research has not only contributed to the early convergence of Chinese Communist Party (CPC) with a broad and solid base of public opinion; it has greatly mobilized the people’s originality and revolutionary nature, and has led to the emergence of the Chinese Marxist economics doctrine. In the process of enlightening the general public, the early Communist Party of China (CPC) not only had a high degree of respect for and respect for the demands of the masses, but also preferred practical measures to safeguard the interests of the masses and revitalize the cause of economic construction. In the party's early press, many articles focused on the construction of the rural economy, including on financial issues, the establishment of consumer cooperatives and credit unions; on infrastructure, the development of rural water and health care; and on rural organizations, the organization of farmers'associations, the establishment of farming groups, etc. In October 1925, the Central Expanded Conference of the Communist Party of China (CPC) adopted a decision on China’s current political situation and the functioning of the Communist Party. For the first time, the slogan “arable farmers have” was introduced. (58) The party's main newspapers have since stepped up their advocacy of the above-mentioned policy, treating the land revolution as “a gateway to break down the old feudal economic system and enter the new large-scale production system”, (59) stating that “the Chinese national revolution should be centred on the land revolution. Without a land revolution, China must not uproot the foundations of imperial warlord rule and exploitation.” (60) In 1927, the Guide published in full "The Communist Party of China vs. the country's peasant population ", calling on the peasant class to join the national revolution, defeat imperialism and warlords, and take back the land from the landowners. The party's early leaders, who were baptized by the Great Revolution, finally found the right way to unite the peasant class towards the development of rural modernity and opened a new chapter in the party's and China's revolution. According to US scholar Willie, Marxist Chinaization was “the first serious attempt by the Communist Party of China to introduce a complex foreign ideology to the general Chinese population in a popular way”. (61) During the early stages of exploration, the Communist Party of China consciously assumed the dual mission of nurturing the elite and enlightening the general public, opening up a new path, a new frontier for the dissemination and Chinaization of Marxist economics discourse, and laying a solid foundation for the theoretical and practical innovations that followed. In 1919-1927, the Communist Party of China and its early organizations used the press, the “speaker” and the “speaker”, to promote the widespread dissemination of Marxist economics in China, and to build solid rhetorical positions for proletariat political parties. During this period, the early Chinese Communist Party's dual role of person and leader and theorist, with its dual mission of nurturing the elite and enlightening the general public, culminated in the creation of theoretical innovations consistent with China's reality, namely, the path to rural and rural revolutions. Despite historical constraints and insufficient experience in practice and shortcomings in the understanding and application of Marxist economics by the party’s early leaders, the results of their exploration still have a profound impact on China’s path to revolution and development, and have provided many valuable historical mirrors for advancing the Marxist Chinaization process today. First, China’s special national circumstances and development needs are the source of China’s inexhaustibility and fertile ground. “The question is the voice of the times. Since its introduction into China, Marxist economics has taken on an important mission to recognize and transform society; under new historical conditions, China's country-based response to the concerns of the era remains the most important innovation path for Marxist economics to China. Second, research and research are the scientific methods and main lines of Chineseization. The conduct of research and research is an important experience in the party’s early exploration journey, as well as an important bridge between theoretical innovation and practical development. The right way to investigate, and to refine and promote first-hand information into theory, is the necessary way to raise and resolve the issue of localization. Finally, the masses are the dominant force in China. The party’s early leaders, who had long been at the forefront of the people’s production practices and struggles, had found wisdom and sought answers from the people and gained a preliminary understanding of the rural and land revolution. The “China Communist Party” newspaper” as defined in this paper includes the following categories of newspapers: it was created directly by the Communist Party of China (CPC) and its early organizations and leaders; it was originally created by a social organization or association and then transferred to the Communist Party of China (CPC) and its various levels of organization; the founder was initially an advanced intellectual, then converted to a member of the Communist Party of China (CPC); during the period of cooperation the Communist Party of China (CPC) was actually written or sponsored by the Communist Party of China (CPC); and it was established by the Communist Party of China (CPC) in the early years. 1 US$: " Study of the newspaper of the former Communist Party of China (CPC) ", Beijing: United Chinese Press, 2009, p. 3.
Wang Xiaojun: History of the issue of the Communist Party of China newspaper, Beijing: China Press for Social Science, 2009; Xiao Liang: Intra-Party Debate and Marxist Chinaization during the founding of the Communist Party of China, Marxist Studies, No. 4, 2011.
Three weeks of cooperation: " Mausedong and Marxist China Studies ", Ph.D. dissertation, Beijing University, 2006; Zhang Chee Fei: " Zhou Enlai Marxist Theory and Practice Study of Chinaization ", Master's degree dissertation, Shaanxi Shifu University, 2012.
Fong Han Chi: General History of Chinese Journalism (vol. 1), Beijing: Chinese People's University Press, 1992.
5 yuan: " Study of the newspaper of the former Communist Party of China ", Beijing: Chinese Union Press, 2009.
Six new powers: " Marxist writings published, circulated and read in China (1927-1937) ", Ph.D. dissertation, China Communist Party School, 2015; and Hailian Gu: " Marxist political economy’s centennial glory and ideology of Chinaization ", Social Science Front, No. 3, 2021. The seven-time limit was chosen on the basis of Mao Zedong's statement in "How to Study the History of the Communist Party" (1942): “We have studied the history of the Party, which has not been entirely clear since 1921, and I am afraid that the previous part of the material will be needed to describe the Communist Party's predecessor. The first part of this is far too long, starting with the Singhe revolution, and perhaps better from the 5-4 movement.” The lower option is based on the fact that, after the collapse of the Great Revolution, the Communist Party of China entered a period of intense armed struggle, with major problems, major enemies, struggle situations, etc. that were significantly different from the creation period, and that the study and application of Marxist economics has changed dramatically. Such a timing approach is consistent with such well-established editorial features of the early Communist Party newspaper (1999) and Xu Xinhua's early Communist Party newspaper study (2010). 8 With regard to Marxist economics, the theoretical dissemination and presentation during this period has been well studied by the academic community, such as the editor-in-chief of Lu Yanqin: " Marxism in the early dissemination of history in China " (1917-1927) (Wuhan Yanggang Publishing House, 2016), "Marxist writings published and disseminated in China " (doctoral dissertation, Huadong Teacher University, 2017). 9 Han Joon: “The sources of chaos in China and their fate”, Consciousness, No. 1, 1922.
10 Autumn: Social Transformation and Communal International of the World, New Youth, No. 1, 1923.
(11) Unique: What is imperialism? What is a warlord? Guide No. 149 of 1926.
(12) Chuvita: " The ways of imperialist aggression against China ", Vanguard, No. 1, 1923.
(13) Chu Na: " The reality of imperial aggression against China ", " Young Chinese ", No. 35, 1924.
(14) Chuvita: “The ways of imperialist aggression against China”, Vanguard, No. 1, 1923.
(15) E: Revolutionary Government and Customs Issues, Vanguard, No. 3, 1924.
(16) Chuvita: Development of the Chinese bourgeois, Vanguard, No. 1, 1923.
(17) Springwood: " Two lessons for us from the closure of the Chinese Kaguya factory in Shanghai ", Guide No. 34 of 1923.
(18) E: Revolutionary Government and Customs Issues, Vanguard, No. 3, 1924.
(19) Dao-Eng: Revolutionary Government and Customs Issues, Vanguard, No. 3, 1924.
(20) Springwood: " For the purpose of repealing the cotton export order, ban on Chinese industrialists ", Guide No. 28, 1923.
(21) Liu Bin Jing wrote: “In colonial and semi-colonial countries, one of the most effective weapons against imperialism is the commodity that resists them. ... China’s exports to Japan in June exceeded Japan’s input to China by more than 4.6 million yuan, the first since China’s trade.” (Ingent: After boycotting Japanese goods, Wizard No. 35 of 1923)
(22) Distinguished: " Recent manifestations of Japan's economic aggression against China ", Guide No. 79 of 1924.
(23) Li Dae-jung: " Economic interpretation of the reasons for the changes in China's recent ideology ", New Youth, No. 2, 1920.
(24) Midsummer: " China Now Thinking ", Chinese Youth, No. 6, 1923.
(25) Taumong and: Poverty and Population Issues, New Youth No. 4, 1920.
(26) Chen Illusion: " Mars and China Population Issues ", " New Youth ", No. 4, 1920.
(27) Yansan: " Finance and imperialism in Hanguchi ", " Young Chinese ", No. 53, 1924; " Political and Economic Situation in Qingdao ", " Young Chinese ", No. 114, 1926.
(28) Midsummer: The Situation of Chinese Workers and the Directions of our Movement, Chinese Youth, No. 10 of 1923.
(29) Joon-soo: " The Life of Farmers in Guangqiao County, Shandong ", " Young Chinese ", No. 30, 1924; and " The Tragedy of Shaanxi Farmers ", " Guide ", No. 53-54, 1924.
(30) Name: Economic Situation in China, Chinese Youth, No. 100 of 1925.
(31) Constant light: The Two Paths to Chinaization of Marxism Economics, Jedical College Journal, No. 4, 2008; Wang Yi: Review of the Chinaization Study of Marxism Economics, Economics Dynamics, No. 7, 2013.
(32) Dae-young: Dreams of the Future, Mutual Assistance, No. 1, 1920.
(33) Exclusive Guangzhou Weaving Industry, Chinese Youth, No. 39 of 1924.
(34) Dae Ying: Should we open small shops in small factories?, Chinese Youth, No. 114 of 1926.
(35) Tsai Lo et al.: The Peng Xiao Passion, Beijing: People's Press, 1986, p. 141.
(36) Chen Xiu : " Peasant issues in China ", Vanguard, No. 1, 1923.
(37) Midsummer: " The situation of farmers in China and the guidelines of our movement ", Chinese Youth, No. 13 of 1924.
(38) Liu Shachi: The Liu Shachi Selection Series (above vol.), Beijing: People's Press, 1981, p. 220.
(39) Autumn White: A collection of political theories (vol. VII), Beijing: People's Press, 2013, pp. 703-704.
(40) The Central Documentation Research Unit of the Communist Party, Editor of the Central Archives: Selected Documents of Importance since the founding of the Party (No. 15), Beijing: Central Documentation Publishing House, 2011, p. 651.
(41) According to Hailian Gu (2021), the Chinaization of Marxist political economy has two basic meanings: “Chinaization”, which is the application of classical theory to guide practice; and “Chinaization”, which is the new theory of China based on practice. (42) Li Qi: Foreword to Marx's popular capital theory, New Youth, No. 3, 1926.
(43) Li Jie, Yu Jundo: Mao Zedong, Beijing: Long March Press, 2013, p. 109.
(44) Monks: " Monks of Monks ", Beijing: People's Press, 1983, p. 18.
(45) Monjin: " The situation of farmers at the bottom of the mountain ", New Youth, No. 2, 1920.
(46) Tian Beak: " The situation of farmers in the Sichuan Gang County ", " Young Chinese ", No. 22, 1924.
(47) Outstanding: Outline for the Survey of the Economic Situation in Rural Areas, Chinese Youth, No. 106 of 1925.
(48) Xiao Dae Ying: Publication Notes, Young People of China, No. 1, 1923.
"Why do we publish this "The Voice of Labor? ", The Voice of Labor, No. 1, 1920.
(50) Distinguished: The Chinese National Revolution and Social Classes, Vanguard, No. 2, 1923.
(51) Midsummer: The Farmers' Movement, Chinese Youth, No. 11 of 1923.
(52) Midsummer: The Mission's Attention to the Farmers'Movement, Journal No. 2, 1923.
(53) Autumn White: Peasants in the National Revolution, Our Life, No. 4, 1926.
(54) Dae Ying: Rural Movement, Chinese Youth, No. 29, 1924.
(55) Gents: Machines, Labor, No. 9 of 1920.
(56) Name: Our Past, Our Present, Our Future, Plowheads, No. 12 of 1926.
(57) Dae-Ying: Rural Movement for Summer Summer Preparation - “Go to the Folks”, Young People of China, No. 32, 1924.
(58) Central Documentation Research Office of the Communist Party, edited by the Central Archives: Selected Documents of Importance since the founding of the Party (No. 2), Beijing: Central Documentation Publishing House, 2011, p. 514.
(59) No. 1: First Steps to Resolve the Land Problem, Young People of China, No. 16 of 1927.
(60) Autumn: Peasant Power and the Land Revolution, Guide No. 195 of 1927.
(61) Raymond Wyley, Lim Yochuan: Mao Zedong, Chen Bedda and Marxist Chinaization (1936-1938), Modern Philosophy No. 6, 2006.
(62) Editor-in-chief, China Li Daejong Research Institute: Li Daejing (vol. 4), Beijing: People's Press, 1999, p. 318.
Enter the column of Zhang Yagwang
Marxist Economics China
This post is edited as follows:
Poster: Ideas of Love (http://www.aisixiang.com), column: Academies of Heaven > Economics > Macroeconomics
Link to this paper: http://www.aisixiang.com/data/135830.html
Source: Political Economics Review, No. 6, 2021
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